India takes control
JOHN KEAY
Andrew Robinson
INDIA
A short history
210pp. Thames and Hudson. £16.95.
978 0 500 25199 7
"The English make a habit of writing history", Gandhi wrote in Hindu Swaraj. "They pretend to study the manners and customs of all peoples . . . . They write about their researches in the most laudatory terms and hypnotise us into believing them. We, in our ignorance, then fall at their feet." This was written in 1908, when colonial scholarship still held sway. Gandhi himself failed to redress the situation, although Nehru put his prison years to good use with the publication in 1946 of his influential Discovery of India. Independence then spawned a school of nationalist historians, whose ambitious productions were upstaged by incisive studies from Marxist-inclined scholars such as D. D. Kosambi, Irfan Habib and Romila Thapar. By the 1960s, the hypnotic spell of British scholarship looked to have been broken. Indians were finally taking control of their past.
Yet since then, surprisingly little. The most interesting work on Indian history now comes from the United States, while pace Ramachandra Guha, the best general histories are by German and British authors. Andrew Robinson belongs among the latter. In his pithy, admirable India: A short history he too notes the recent decline in intellectual creativity but focuses more on scientific research and the cinema than the humanities. His standards are high. As a biographer of Rabindranath Tagore, Albert Einstein and Satyajit Ray, he looks for towering personalities. Finding none, he lays the blame on the bureaucrats' stranglehold over the universities and research institutes, the seductive appeal of Bollywood's productions and "the deadening effect of caste politics". Of these, the last may be the most questionable. Caste certainly dictates voting patterns, but its influence was even more baleful before universal suffrage. The mathematician Srinavasa Ramanujan nevertheless achieved international acclaim as early as 1918. So did Tagore and then Ray who, as well-connected brahmins, could only benefit from the caste hierarchy. Far from being enemies of achievement, today's more assertive castes could prove to be allies of excellence.
Robinson is at his best when dealing with India's earlier history. Compressing 4,000 years into 200 pages proves a tall order and leads him to reserve nearly half the book for the BC(E) millennia. But he here picks his way with assurance and insight. Chapters on the Harappan (or Indus Valley) civilization and on that of the Veda-composing arya offer useful updates of the latest research, along with some lively swipes at the reactionary nationalists who would distort this research. Sadly what he calls "the paucity of evidence and excess of speculative interpretation" is unlikely to clear the air. The Harappan script is as far from being deciphered as ever, and the origins of arya remain shrouded in myth. The antiquity of these civilizations (roughly 3000–1000 BC) is not in dispute; but with the Harappan world devoid of documentation ("things without words" in Wendy Doniger's phrasing) and the Vedic world devoid of objects ("words without things"), they have yet to be reconciled with one another; and both fall well short of our understanding of contemporary civilizations in Egypt, Iraq and China.
Buddhism brings some enlightenment. Words and things at last betray the same provenance and philologists and archaeologists find common ground. Inscriptions validate the later jataka (birth stories of the Buddha) and both are substantiated by statuary and stupas. The chronology is still contentious; the Enlightened One may have lived in either the fifth or fourth century BC. But at least he lived; and from what he renounced, what he taught and where he travelled, much can be learned. Evidently the Gangetic basin was already divided into proto-kingdoms and republics; there was an urban life of sorts, frequent warfare and some trade. The ingredients of history were accumulating. Robinson quotes Tagore in calling the Buddha "the greatest man ever born on this earth" and doubtless could have quoted Ray in similar vein on the Emperor Ashoka. Instead he quotes H. G. Wells. Thanks to Ashoka's edicts as inscribed on some fifty pillars and rock faces, the Mauryan emperor emerges as the first ruler to hold sway over the whole subcontinent and the first to whom regnal dates can be ascribed (c.269–232 BC). Ashoka is also credited with having officially promoted Buddhism though, as Robinson notes, only once does an edict actually mention the Buddha.
All this leaves just fifteen pages for the next millennium and not much more for the Islamic and British periods. Perhaps this is as it should be. What used to be called "the medieval period" is poorly documented, while most Indians today would happily gloss over the centuries of foreign rule. A short history is bound to have its shortcomings. Moreover Andrew Robinson makes ample amends in respect of the struggle for independence and its aftermath. This is a most refreshing résumé, and one can only be grateful for a history that consigns the Black Hole of Calcutta to a black hole.
Wednesday, 16 April 2014
Ian Hamilton, still fresh
Ian Hamilton, still fresh
Hamilton (in dark glasses) outside the offices of the New Review, early 1970s
Remembering the New Review forty years on
DAVID COLLARD
" In certain moods I used to crave expansiveness and bulk'', Ian Hamilton wrote in the introduction to his Fifty Poems (1988), but these are not to be found in his poetry, which was, Ian Sansom calculated, composed at a rate of eight words per week. For expansiveness and bulk you have to look elsewhere, and the place to begin is the New Review, which Hamilton edited from 1974–8 and was, depending on your point of view, either the best literary periodical of the past fifty years or an elitist folly lavishly bankrolled by the taxpayer.
What it was not was a poetry magazine. Hamilton claimed that there were no more than two or three poets he wanted to publish and in any case his interest in the poetry scene had by then lessened to what he saw as a marginal, policing role. Having said which, most of the poetry published in the New Review is outstanding – the first issue has ten poems by Robert Lowell and later on there are appearances by Douglas Dunn, James Fenton, Alan Brownjohn, Hugo Williams, David Harsent, Andrew Motion, Tom Paulin and Craig Raine. But that's not all – there are full-length plays by Simon Gray, Harold Pinter, Sławomir Mrożek, Dennis Potter and Christopher Hampton. There's James Fox's forensic account of the Lord Lucan affair; features on the IRA bombings and the 1977 Dutch train hijacking; polemical essays such as John Carey's "Down with Dons"; lengthy profiles (John Sturrock on Roland Barthes; Clive James on Kingsley Amis; Dan Jacobson on Philip Larkin); A-list encounters (Martin Amis with Joseph Heller, Melvyn Bragg with Robert Redford, Saul Bellow interviewing himself); fiction from John McGahern, Jim Crace and William Trevor, and the first appearance of Ian McEwan's short stories "Solid Geometry", "Pornography" and "Reflections of a Kept Ape".
The New Review still looks fresh, in a way that few magazines even from the recent past ever do. The striking covers make use of collage, caricature, cut-ups, photo-montage, photo-journalism, cartoons by Marc Boxer, pop art by Roy Lichtenstein, authors' mugshots, foreign film stills, and (an example of the blurring of cultural boundaries that became commonplace twenty years later) the footballer Jimmy Greaves. The spacious layout of double columns with generous margins is clean and modern, the high-quality paper still crisp and bright. There are no full-page colour ads for flashy aspirational brands such as BOAC, Johnnie Walker or Peter Stuyvesant. In fact, apart from publishers' announcements (which are a treat) there's hardly any advertising at all, which contributed to the magazine's financial failure. It's a tribute to the Editor's tenacity, hard work and powers of persuasion that it lasted for fifty issues.
It's not all good, of course, and the flaws are obvious. The editorials are often condescending and the layout can be less than scintillating, especially in later editions when money was very tight. While there are many fine pieces of reportage there is not much engagement with the zeitgeist. These were the tumultuous punk years, but apart from a cover image of a punk singer called Billy Karloff (who was employed by the New Review as a typesetter) and a fine piece by Hugo Williams on the pub rockers Dr Feelgood there is little that reflects this. There's some discreet logrolling, a certain cliquishness that is a hallmark of any little magazine, and one also realizes how very monocultural things were back then, how middle-class, how white. There are also times when the New Review appears to have no clear sense of direction, reminding us of the criticism Hamilton levelled at Cyril Connolly's Horizon: that on occasion it was not "able, (or even, as far as anyone was able to tell, willing) to provide more than just a place to print things".
I bought my first copy of the New Review in autumn 1978 – Volume 5, No. 2. The contents page promised Isaiah Berlin on Tolstoy, an interview with the promising new writer McEwan, John Bayley on William Empson, Larkin on Kingsley Amis, A. J. P. Taylor taking "vigorous exception" to the Times Atlas of World History, John Calder demolishing Deirdre Bair's biography of Samuel Beckett, Christopher Reid on Ted Hughes and Robert Hewison on Bob Dylan. A typically dazzling roster, but this issue was to be the last. The magazine closed down that month after losing its Arts Council subsidy. What I did not know then was what Hamilton stood for, or how fiercely contested the cultural ground occupied by his magazine was. For its detractors it was a vainglorious waste of public funds. For its supporters it was part of a continuing struggle to determine the future direction of literary culture at a time of often rancorous conflict between conservative anti-modernists and radical usurpers – a conflict that, because it was fought most bitterly in the small arena of publications and organizations concerned with poetry, became known as the poetry wars.
Before the New Review Hamilton had edited the Review (1962–72), co-founded with Michael Fried, John Fuller and Colin Falck, a much-admired poetry magazine in pamphlet-octavo that combined undergraduate prankishness with high seriousness, castigating whatever the Editor felt to be inflated, complacent, pretentious or modish. The Review, unarguably Britain's most influential post-war poetry magazine, had, Hamilton wrote, "a sense of its own necessity". It treated poetry as something integral to our culture and was involved in several early skirmishes in the poetry wars, although less in defence of any tradition than as an assault on the crass and the artless. In what Alan Brownjohn has called "a decade soft on crap" the Review's robust critical standards were especially sharp and provocative. Hamilton was appalled when Penguin published the Liverpool poets Adrian Henri, Roger McGough and Brian Patten in The Mersey Sound (1967). It sold 500,000 copies, which appalled him even more. Clive James observed: "It's better to be a half-witted Liverpudlian with a bedside manner than a mandarin with a sneer" and, while this may strike us as little more than complacent snobbery, James shrewdly anticipated a cultural shift that would see an end to the mandarin supremacy (with or without the sneer).
Throughout the Review years Hamilton championed poetry that combined emotional intensity, intellectual precision and the highest level of craft, in the face of alternative forms emerging on both sides of the Atlantic. His position was essentially unchanged some years later, when he said in an interview for the Reader: "Most of what is out there today isn't really poetry . . . . It might be a form of writing that is engaging and sharp and entertaining, but it is not poetry. It's important to make these distinctions". But it was these very distinctions that were being swept away, and in another conversation in 1993 Hamilton admitted that by the time the Review closed down, the battle was lost: "There seemed to be such a chasm between what was really going on in the general culture and the impact that the poems we were printing was likely to make".
What was really going on in the general culture was a process of radical democratization, a minor manifestation being the British Poetry Revival (the phrase coined by Eric Mottram), much of which took place outside the capital but which in its most concentrated and complex form was played out among the anarcho-modernists who had assumed control of the Poetry Society in Earls Court. In the early 1970s a group of radical writers (chief among them Mottram, Bob Cobbing and Jeff Nuttall) had taken over this drowsy institution (membership of around 1,000), transforming it into a countercultural hub subsidized by an increasingly embarrassed Arts Council of Great Britain. Sound, visual and performance poetry began to predominate – not all of it was negligible but much of it today seems twee and dated. As Peter Barry relates in Poetry Wars: British poetry of the 1970s and the battle of Earls Court (2006), this all took place at a time of conflict between opposing poetic camps, radical and conservative, and with an undertow of class warfare. In the elite corner (as far as its enemies were concerned) were the Review and the New Review, addressing themselves to a small community of cultivated readers who shared their Editor's values and standards. In the other corner was the rest of the poetry world, or so it seemed. A flavour of what was going on in Earls' Court can be found in testimony given by an anonymous Poetry Society staff member to the 1976 Witt Report (the Arts Council's investigation, quoted by Barry in Poetry Wars):
She said she did not know Jeff Nuttall very well, but when he had given a reading at the Society she had found broken eggs on the rostrum next morning, a tin of golden syrup underneath the piano, with a doll stuck in the syrup and there was talcum powder everywhere. Mr Nuttall had also run around in his underwear. There were only twelve people at the reading.
Things were set to change, however, and the Poetry Society radicals were ousted (or, if you prefer, staged a principled walk-out) in March 1977. Mainstream English poetry would for the next thirty years remain largely non-experimental and anti-modernist, a victory of sorts for the Hamilton line. Mottram and his colleagues are now part of what Iain Sinclair calls "deleted history", excluded from the discourse surrounding the subject, no longer occupying even the margins where they seemed most at home. Significantly, neither the conservative nor the radical poets of the 1970s were endorsed or promoted in the influential Penguin Book of Contemporary British Poetry (1982; edited by Andrew Motion and Blake Morrison, both New Review alumni) and we now live in what Paul Barry calls a "post-dualist" poetry world, diverse and tolerant. But something of value disappeared when the experimental modernist tendency – a line that extended back, via Basil Bunting, the Poetry Society's President, to Ezra Pound – was so thoroughly sidelined forty years ago.
Hamilton had first approached the Arts Council early in 1967, seeking financial support for the Review (he owed his printers £300), adding the caveat that "grants and guarantees of this kind are the minimum required to merely keep the magazine afloat. They would not enable us to pay contributors properly, nor to launch a campaign for new subscriptions. But perhaps these are luxuries". Two months later the Arts Council offered a grant of £250 payable in instalments on publication of each of six issues, thus initiating a pattern that would beset Hamilton for the next decade – that subsidy for each new issue of a publication would be swallowed up by debts accumulated from previous issues. By early 1970 Hamilton was applying for £1,000 towards the cost of four more issues.In January 1973 Hamilton wrote to Charles Osborne, the Council's Literature Director, saying that he felt the Review had served its purpose and was in danger of becoming predictable and repetitive. He wanted to enlarge the magazine into "a general literary periodical" covering both poetry and fiction and was upbeat about likely sales. Osborne was open to suggestions and had for some time wanted to launch a new magazine with Arts Council support, although the cost of doing so from scratch was daunting. The second half of Hamilton's letter referred to a backlog of debt and invited "an investment" of £1,000 to pay off his printers and to "give the Review a decent burial". (Its successor would carry a small print note on the title page stating that "The New Review incorporates the Review, a quarterly magazine of poetry and criticism founded in 1962".) The earliest reference to a provisionally titled New Review is in a letter dated September 9, 1973 from Hamilton to the Arts Council's Financial Director Anthony Field, in which he estimates that "the annual loss would not exceed £7,500" and requests a subsidy of £600 per issue. He concludes by asking for an immediate advance of £2,000 to cover pressing print and secretarial costs. The annual subsidy was soon confirmed as £7,500 (presumably based on Hamilton's estimate of the loss), payable in two instalments, and the following month an account was set up on behalf of the magazine, now officially called the New Review.
The first issue appeared in April 1974, which Hamilton later described as "the most melodramatically austere month in Britain's post-war history", a time of miners' strikes, power cuts and the three-day week, prompting criticism of such publicly funded extravagance at a time of national crisis. If not in a literal sense glossy, the magazine had a glamorous aura that contrasted with the standard offset litho publications of the time such as Private Eye, which sniped amusingly and relentlessly at the high-flown pretentiousness of it all. The first editorial contained no manifesto or statement of intent but kicked off by welcoming the appointment of John Gross as the new Editor of the Times Literary Supplement and raising the contentious if unelectrifying issue of reviewer anonymity (TLS reviews were traditionally anonymous and would remain so until later that year). The rest of the magazine was more impressive – the ten Lowell poems; long pieces by Edna O'Brien and Caroline Blackwood; Jonathan Raban's profile of Angus Wilson; a sparkling essay on Nigel Balchin by Clive James; Melvyn Bragg on popularization in the arts; a lengthy letter from George Steiner explaining why he wouldn't be contributing; and a clutch of reviews by Russell Davies, Martin Amis, Lorna Sage and others. Poignantly, there was also a Letter from Paris by the political commentator Francis Hope, who had died in the previous month's Ermenonville air disaster.
It was a promising start but things had already gone awry. Schedules were out of kilter because Oxford University Press, which had set up a special unit to manage subscriptions, insisted for financial reasons that the first issue should not only appear in April 1974 but be designated "April", while Hamilton wanted it to appear as the May issue, thus gaining some ground. This he never managed to do, and among the many criticisms levelled at the New Review was its irregular and late appearance. A combination of more commonplace problems – late copy, staff shortages, problems with printers and strikes at the bindery – along with a chronically unreliable cash flow, would beset the entire run. But more importantly two early gambles had failed to pay off – that the ambitious promotion campaign would result in 5,000 subscriptions and that after six issues the magazine would be in a strong position to seek backing from private or foundation sources (although these were never specified). The first issue was sent out to just 1,500 subscribers, around the same number as the Review, and although bookshop sales of 3,000 were higher than predicted they soon fell to 1,200, which was closer to the figure anticipated. Of the subscribers, two-thirds took advantage of a hastily concocted pre-publication offer of £8 per annum. The meagre cash reserves were quickly used up and, as costs mounted, a hand-to-mouth monthly routine was established: as each issue was produced, the Arts Council would send another cheque, "to ease pressure on your cash resource", which was immediately used to pay off accumulated debts. Hamilton later complained, not without reason, that contrary to popular belief the magazine was underfunded from the outset.
In issue No. 10 Hamilton's combative "Greek St." editorial looks back on the first year of publication and launches a spirited attack on the magazine's critics, arguing that "the ill feeling hasn't had its basis in ideas, or even in taste, and certainly not in any passion for expansiveness or detail. It has been almost exclusively concerned with money". He knows that the magazine is regarded by "the philistine and the envious" as an undeserving beneficiary of the public purse, and sets out to demolish that view. Getting into his stride, he continues:
The New Review is not subsidised by the Arts Council of Great Britain. It receives a grant-in-aid of £750 per issue [up from the £600 per issue in 1974]; this grant takes the form of a guarantee against loss and is payable issue by issue – in other words you get it when and if you have produced the goods. A princely sum? Not in the least. Our bill for contributors alone this month is near to £1,000. Our printing bills (including paper) are around £3,000 and will go up. Our office rent and overheads amount to . . . .
He breaks off here and invites the reader to calculate how many subscribers are required to cover these essential costs, then to factor in the cutbacks afflicting libraries and learned institutions and the reduction in publishers' advertising budgets. He adds "A charitable computer would, no doubt, mix into all this some chilly data on the present cash-fixated economic climate, but we don't insist on charity". What he does insist on is that the existence of the magazine "is certainly not guaranteed by public funds", which is true as far as it goes, but which doesn't go far enough in recognizing the Council's critical role. He signs off by claiming that the Council's own estimate for launching a monthly magazine had been around £75,000 (actually £60,000) and implies that in sponsoring the relaunch of the Review as a going concern the Council had actually saved the taxpayers money!
Hamilton recalled his difficulties with funding panels in his essay "The Trouble With Money": "Wild-eyed anarchic novelists would transmute into prim-lipped accountants. Tremulous lyric poets would rear up like tigers of the bottom line". But it wasn't just about money. Hamilton combined great charm, intelligence and honesty with a gift for alienating potential allies and supporters. An early spat occurred when in issue No. 12 the New Review's short-lived feature "Adrian's Diary" carried a disparaging reference to the Art's Council's funding of an organization called The Association of Community Arts – "a few amateur and largely talentless layabouts". The tone was unpleasantly de haut en bas and a clear breach of confidentiality, prompting a letter of protest from the Arts Council's Secretary-General Roy Shaw and another from Elizabeth Thomas, a member of the Literature Panel. She called for "a more diversified editorial policy" to "achieve a wide appeal and a good circulation", complained that "most of . . . the subjects, the writers, the reviewers, the poets are indistinguishable" from those in the Review and that the new magazine should seek fresh talent (she offers to provide a list). She adds that too much of the magazine's subsidy was "swallowed up in production costs". The unsigned response from the Editor ended with a withering put-down, that "remembering Mrs Thomas's performance as literary editor of [the fortnightly left-wing periodical] Tribune, we have to doubt that her idea of talent will accord with ours".
Thomas was right, however, about production costs. The use of quality paper in a ninety-two-page magazine meant that postage costs, especially to the United States, were crippling. Another problem arose from the commitment to publishing twelve issues a year. The Review had appeared as a quarterly for its first two years but very irregularly after that, usually once a year with the occasional "double number" or poetry pamphlet thrown in to satisfy subscribers. Hamilton eventually came to realize that a highbrow literary magazine with a small readership and very little advertising should probably be a quarterly, and although the last two issues appeared as such and in a more compact A5 format, it was too late to make a difference. The rackety finances led to fluctuating cover charges: 90p at the launch, cut to 75p from issue No. 28, increased to £1 for the "double issue" 34/35 of March 1972 with its provocative Hockney/Kitaj nude cover; then back to 75p before rising to 90p again from issue No. 42 (an increase announced by a last-minute tipped-in label in issue No. 41). These seem minor recalibrations until we take into account the purchasing power of a pound in the late 1970s. The last two issues in the smaller format cost £1.75 at a time when the weekly TLS was just 25p.
So, given that it was unpopular, over-priced, loss-making, insufficiently egalitarian and erratically managed, why did the New Review have to close? Colin Falck expressed a commonly held view: "The New Review was eventually destroyed – a victim of cultural committee wars – by a purportedly more democratic faction which saw Arts Council money as having been disproportionately hijacked by an enterprise that was elitist in spirit and which sold very few copies of its magazine on the streets". Charges of elitism were not without foundation; nobody could accuse Hamilton of having the common touch. David Harsent recalled asking what the magazine's circulation was and the Editor replying "About two thousand". When asked if he wouldn't like it to be more, say four thousand, Hamilton said: "Maybe. But I'd need to know who the other two thousand people were".
That's droll, but there's something self-defeating in the swagger. Hamilton's own poetry and the poetry he admired – Robert Lowell's, for example – was addressed to the individual reader invited to eavesdrop on intense private moments in the poet's experience, an intimacy that cannot be scaled up to inform the content of a commercial magazine. We may be reminded of the anonymous pundit, quoted in The Thirties: A dream revolved (1960) by Julian Symons, who reckoned the population of serious poetry readers in Britain at any given moment numbered around 100. Even catering for that tiny community might have made Hamilton twitchy. In a television interview in 1974 he claimed ironically that "readers are likely to contaminate the pure spirit" of a little magazine. This comes close to the advice given unironically to the poet Michael Hrebeniak by Eric Mottram: "Don't write anything you can get published".
When it finally closed down the magazine was riddled with debt and Hamilton had no defence. "It was all down to me: I was the sole owner, and, indeed, for years afterwards I was paying the bills, paying the rates, empty rates on this office we'd been thrown out of virtually. And mysterious bills would arrive from way back. It wasn't a proper company; it couldn't go bust." But it could, and did, and so did he. Long after the magazine folded the ex-Editor was hounded by creditors and the Inland Revenue. Hamilton's own poetry all but dried up during his Editorship of the New Review, and he later dubbed the period 1973–9 "the trashy years", ruefully remembering "the raggedness of everything, the booze, the jokes, the literary feuds, the almost-love-affairs, the cash, the somehow-getting-to-be-forty, and so on".
As the New Review's debts mounted and the cheques bounced and the bailiffs gathered on the office staircase, Hamilton's stoic-heroic demeanour contributed to an enduring myth of the embattled leader, the capo, the guv'nor, the Gaffer, celebrated in Another Round at the Pillars, the festschrift that marked his sixtieth birthday. The contributors to that book – all male – attest warmly to Hamilton's great charm, kindness, sardonic wit and extraordinarily high standards. The boozy sodality of the Pillars of Hercules, the pub next door to the magazine's Soho offices, generated many stories, some quite plausible. The view of Hamilton as a tough guy spoiling for a fight is the stuff of Soho legend, but it's not the full story. Although the importance of the New Review lies partly in its having given an early break to several male writers who later became famous and who loyally promoted Hamilton's legacy, women writers also featured very prominently – Jean Rhys, Caroline Blackwood, Beryl Bainbridge, Edna O'Brien, Lorna Sage, Alison Lurie, Patricia Highsmith, Nadine Gordimer, Margaret Drabble, Germaine Greer, Patricia Hale, Natasha Spender, Iris Murdoch and many others, at a time when the literary establishment was a largely male domain. Contrary to the received wisdom at the time, the New Review was a surprisingly egalitarian enterprise, was not monopolized by any Oxbridge mafia and, while never aimed at everyone, was open to anyone – providing they were good enough.
The New Review casts such a long shadow that it's easy to overlook a multitude of other little magazines in circulation at the time, most of them justly forgotten. A conservative estimate of the number in print during the period 1960–75 is 600, with a startling average of thirty-five new titles per year, a figure partly explained by the growing availability of cheap print technologies. More than 75 per cent of these were produced outside the capital and most were short-lived. What they lacked, as well as a substantial readership, was influence – it was the London periodicals and newspapers that set the national agenda for writing.
Funding was a particularly contentious issue. According to Arts Council archives, for the year ending March 31, 1977, subsidies were made to eleven literary magazines (including Ambit, Agenda, Bananas, Encounter and the London Magazine), amounting to just over £78,000 in all. The New Review received £35,200 – almost half the total allocation, and only £8,000 less than the sum for all ten of the other magazines combined. "A lot of people took personal offence at this", observed Hamilton, drily. Of course the New Review's grant covered twelve issues per year as against quarterly publication for most of the others. But resentment was widespread.
This was certainly the case in Manchester, where Poetry Nation (founded by Michael Schmidt and C. B. Cox in 1973, relaunched in 1976 as PN Review and still going strong) was published twice a year on a fraction of the New Review's budget and at almost twice the cover price. (PN's Arts Council subsidy in 1976/7: £2,100.) It was unremittingly hostile to the New Review and its Editor. Alan Munton depicted them as belonging to a decaying line in bourgeois humanism and Donald Davie questioned why a putsch on the London literary scene could never be mounted by literary-minded students from red-brick universities such as (say) Manchester, challenging the "Oxbridge stranglehold on our literary life". A "plague on both their houses" editorial denounced both "the unformed rhetorical gesture, the unwholesome poem, the sterile poetics" of the Poetry Society and the "small minded" coterie running the New Review. The animosity was still evident shortly after Hamilton's death late in 2001, when in a vinegary letter to this paper Schmidt, the Editor of PN Review, claimed that Hamilton's priorities had shifted from the Review's critical seriousness to the extended "literary profiles" and author features of its successor, "displacing steak with sizzle", his poetical perspectives becoming narrower as his influence grew. "He was reading lives", said Schmidt, "and that is how he spent the rest of his life."
Even if this was the case, it was no bad thing, because what Hamilton referred to wryly as his "so-called literary life" amounts to an impressive bibliography. Following the collapse of the New Review he published superb biographies of Robert Lowell (1982), J. D. Salinger (1988) and Matthew Arnold (1998). There were also brilliant studies of literary estates (Keepers of the Flame, 1992) and poetic reputations (Against Oblivion: Some lives of the twentieth-century poets, published posthumously in 2002); several collections of essays and reviews, twenty-six episodes as writer and presenter of BBC2's Bookmark and many high-profile editorships, including The Faber Book of Football and the Oxford Companion to Twentieth-Century Poetry in English. Add to this a huge amount of intelligent journalism, some of the century's finest lyric poetry and two of the best literary magazines ever published: it amounts to a solid and enduring legacy.
Hamilton was reluctant even to upgrade his Adler Gabriele 25 semi-portable manual typewriter to an electronic version, and would not be at home in today's online publishing world. A website dedicated to his life and work (www.ianhamilton.org) ensures his presence on the internet, but his absence in the real world as a poet, biographer, critic and cultural arbiter is keenly felt.
The Times Literary Supplement – an occasional series of readings: Tap here to listen to Alan Jenkins introduce and read a selection of poems written by Ian Hamilton.
Hamilton (in dark glasses) outside the offices of the New Review, early 1970s
Remembering the New Review forty years on
DAVID COLLARD
" In certain moods I used to crave expansiveness and bulk'', Ian Hamilton wrote in the introduction to his Fifty Poems (1988), but these are not to be found in his poetry, which was, Ian Sansom calculated, composed at a rate of eight words per week. For expansiveness and bulk you have to look elsewhere, and the place to begin is the New Review, which Hamilton edited from 1974–8 and was, depending on your point of view, either the best literary periodical of the past fifty years or an elitist folly lavishly bankrolled by the taxpayer.
What it was not was a poetry magazine. Hamilton claimed that there were no more than two or three poets he wanted to publish and in any case his interest in the poetry scene had by then lessened to what he saw as a marginal, policing role. Having said which, most of the poetry published in the New Review is outstanding – the first issue has ten poems by Robert Lowell and later on there are appearances by Douglas Dunn, James Fenton, Alan Brownjohn, Hugo Williams, David Harsent, Andrew Motion, Tom Paulin and Craig Raine. But that's not all – there are full-length plays by Simon Gray, Harold Pinter, Sławomir Mrożek, Dennis Potter and Christopher Hampton. There's James Fox's forensic account of the Lord Lucan affair; features on the IRA bombings and the 1977 Dutch train hijacking; polemical essays such as John Carey's "Down with Dons"; lengthy profiles (John Sturrock on Roland Barthes; Clive James on Kingsley Amis; Dan Jacobson on Philip Larkin); A-list encounters (Martin Amis with Joseph Heller, Melvyn Bragg with Robert Redford, Saul Bellow interviewing himself); fiction from John McGahern, Jim Crace and William Trevor, and the first appearance of Ian McEwan's short stories "Solid Geometry", "Pornography" and "Reflections of a Kept Ape".
The New Review still looks fresh, in a way that few magazines even from the recent past ever do. The striking covers make use of collage, caricature, cut-ups, photo-montage, photo-journalism, cartoons by Marc Boxer, pop art by Roy Lichtenstein, authors' mugshots, foreign film stills, and (an example of the blurring of cultural boundaries that became commonplace twenty years later) the footballer Jimmy Greaves. The spacious layout of double columns with generous margins is clean and modern, the high-quality paper still crisp and bright. There are no full-page colour ads for flashy aspirational brands such as BOAC, Johnnie Walker or Peter Stuyvesant. In fact, apart from publishers' announcements (which are a treat) there's hardly any advertising at all, which contributed to the magazine's financial failure. It's a tribute to the Editor's tenacity, hard work and powers of persuasion that it lasted for fifty issues.
It's not all good, of course, and the flaws are obvious. The editorials are often condescending and the layout can be less than scintillating, especially in later editions when money was very tight. While there are many fine pieces of reportage there is not much engagement with the zeitgeist. These were the tumultuous punk years, but apart from a cover image of a punk singer called Billy Karloff (who was employed by the New Review as a typesetter) and a fine piece by Hugo Williams on the pub rockers Dr Feelgood there is little that reflects this. There's some discreet logrolling, a certain cliquishness that is a hallmark of any little magazine, and one also realizes how very monocultural things were back then, how middle-class, how white. There are also times when the New Review appears to have no clear sense of direction, reminding us of the criticism Hamilton levelled at Cyril Connolly's Horizon: that on occasion it was not "able, (or even, as far as anyone was able to tell, willing) to provide more than just a place to print things".
I bought my first copy of the New Review in autumn 1978 – Volume 5, No. 2. The contents page promised Isaiah Berlin on Tolstoy, an interview with the promising new writer McEwan, John Bayley on William Empson, Larkin on Kingsley Amis, A. J. P. Taylor taking "vigorous exception" to the Times Atlas of World History, John Calder demolishing Deirdre Bair's biography of Samuel Beckett, Christopher Reid on Ted Hughes and Robert Hewison on Bob Dylan. A typically dazzling roster, but this issue was to be the last. The magazine closed down that month after losing its Arts Council subsidy. What I did not know then was what Hamilton stood for, or how fiercely contested the cultural ground occupied by his magazine was. For its detractors it was a vainglorious waste of public funds. For its supporters it was part of a continuing struggle to determine the future direction of literary culture at a time of often rancorous conflict between conservative anti-modernists and radical usurpers – a conflict that, because it was fought most bitterly in the small arena of publications and organizations concerned with poetry, became known as the poetry wars.
Before the New Review Hamilton had edited the Review (1962–72), co-founded with Michael Fried, John Fuller and Colin Falck, a much-admired poetry magazine in pamphlet-octavo that combined undergraduate prankishness with high seriousness, castigating whatever the Editor felt to be inflated, complacent, pretentious or modish. The Review, unarguably Britain's most influential post-war poetry magazine, had, Hamilton wrote, "a sense of its own necessity". It treated poetry as something integral to our culture and was involved in several early skirmishes in the poetry wars, although less in defence of any tradition than as an assault on the crass and the artless. In what Alan Brownjohn has called "a decade soft on crap" the Review's robust critical standards were especially sharp and provocative. Hamilton was appalled when Penguin published the Liverpool poets Adrian Henri, Roger McGough and Brian Patten in The Mersey Sound (1967). It sold 500,000 copies, which appalled him even more. Clive James observed: "It's better to be a half-witted Liverpudlian with a bedside manner than a mandarin with a sneer" and, while this may strike us as little more than complacent snobbery, James shrewdly anticipated a cultural shift that would see an end to the mandarin supremacy (with or without the sneer).
Throughout the Review years Hamilton championed poetry that combined emotional intensity, intellectual precision and the highest level of craft, in the face of alternative forms emerging on both sides of the Atlantic. His position was essentially unchanged some years later, when he said in an interview for the Reader: "Most of what is out there today isn't really poetry . . . . It might be a form of writing that is engaging and sharp and entertaining, but it is not poetry. It's important to make these distinctions". But it was these very distinctions that were being swept away, and in another conversation in 1993 Hamilton admitted that by the time the Review closed down, the battle was lost: "There seemed to be such a chasm between what was really going on in the general culture and the impact that the poems we were printing was likely to make".
What was really going on in the general culture was a process of radical democratization, a minor manifestation being the British Poetry Revival (the phrase coined by Eric Mottram), much of which took place outside the capital but which in its most concentrated and complex form was played out among the anarcho-modernists who had assumed control of the Poetry Society in Earls Court. In the early 1970s a group of radical writers (chief among them Mottram, Bob Cobbing and Jeff Nuttall) had taken over this drowsy institution (membership of around 1,000), transforming it into a countercultural hub subsidized by an increasingly embarrassed Arts Council of Great Britain. Sound, visual and performance poetry began to predominate – not all of it was negligible but much of it today seems twee and dated. As Peter Barry relates in Poetry Wars: British poetry of the 1970s and the battle of Earls Court (2006), this all took place at a time of conflict between opposing poetic camps, radical and conservative, and with an undertow of class warfare. In the elite corner (as far as its enemies were concerned) were the Review and the New Review, addressing themselves to a small community of cultivated readers who shared their Editor's values and standards. In the other corner was the rest of the poetry world, or so it seemed. A flavour of what was going on in Earls' Court can be found in testimony given by an anonymous Poetry Society staff member to the 1976 Witt Report (the Arts Council's investigation, quoted by Barry in Poetry Wars):
She said she did not know Jeff Nuttall very well, but when he had given a reading at the Society she had found broken eggs on the rostrum next morning, a tin of golden syrup underneath the piano, with a doll stuck in the syrup and there was talcum powder everywhere. Mr Nuttall had also run around in his underwear. There were only twelve people at the reading.
Things were set to change, however, and the Poetry Society radicals were ousted (or, if you prefer, staged a principled walk-out) in March 1977. Mainstream English poetry would for the next thirty years remain largely non-experimental and anti-modernist, a victory of sorts for the Hamilton line. Mottram and his colleagues are now part of what Iain Sinclair calls "deleted history", excluded from the discourse surrounding the subject, no longer occupying even the margins where they seemed most at home. Significantly, neither the conservative nor the radical poets of the 1970s were endorsed or promoted in the influential Penguin Book of Contemporary British Poetry (1982; edited by Andrew Motion and Blake Morrison, both New Review alumni) and we now live in what Paul Barry calls a "post-dualist" poetry world, diverse and tolerant. But something of value disappeared when the experimental modernist tendency – a line that extended back, via Basil Bunting, the Poetry Society's President, to Ezra Pound – was so thoroughly sidelined forty years ago.
Hamilton had first approached the Arts Council early in 1967, seeking financial support for the Review (he owed his printers £300), adding the caveat that "grants and guarantees of this kind are the minimum required to merely keep the magazine afloat. They would not enable us to pay contributors properly, nor to launch a campaign for new subscriptions. But perhaps these are luxuries". Two months later the Arts Council offered a grant of £250 payable in instalments on publication of each of six issues, thus initiating a pattern that would beset Hamilton for the next decade – that subsidy for each new issue of a publication would be swallowed up by debts accumulated from previous issues. By early 1970 Hamilton was applying for £1,000 towards the cost of four more issues.In January 1973 Hamilton wrote to Charles Osborne, the Council's Literature Director, saying that he felt the Review had served its purpose and was in danger of becoming predictable and repetitive. He wanted to enlarge the magazine into "a general literary periodical" covering both poetry and fiction and was upbeat about likely sales. Osborne was open to suggestions and had for some time wanted to launch a new magazine with Arts Council support, although the cost of doing so from scratch was daunting. The second half of Hamilton's letter referred to a backlog of debt and invited "an investment" of £1,000 to pay off his printers and to "give the Review a decent burial". (Its successor would carry a small print note on the title page stating that "The New Review incorporates the Review, a quarterly magazine of poetry and criticism founded in 1962".) The earliest reference to a provisionally titled New Review is in a letter dated September 9, 1973 from Hamilton to the Arts Council's Financial Director Anthony Field, in which he estimates that "the annual loss would not exceed £7,500" and requests a subsidy of £600 per issue. He concludes by asking for an immediate advance of £2,000 to cover pressing print and secretarial costs. The annual subsidy was soon confirmed as £7,500 (presumably based on Hamilton's estimate of the loss), payable in two instalments, and the following month an account was set up on behalf of the magazine, now officially called the New Review.
The first issue appeared in April 1974, which Hamilton later described as "the most melodramatically austere month in Britain's post-war history", a time of miners' strikes, power cuts and the three-day week, prompting criticism of such publicly funded extravagance at a time of national crisis. If not in a literal sense glossy, the magazine had a glamorous aura that contrasted with the standard offset litho publications of the time such as Private Eye, which sniped amusingly and relentlessly at the high-flown pretentiousness of it all. The first editorial contained no manifesto or statement of intent but kicked off by welcoming the appointment of John Gross as the new Editor of the Times Literary Supplement and raising the contentious if unelectrifying issue of reviewer anonymity (TLS reviews were traditionally anonymous and would remain so until later that year). The rest of the magazine was more impressive – the ten Lowell poems; long pieces by Edna O'Brien and Caroline Blackwood; Jonathan Raban's profile of Angus Wilson; a sparkling essay on Nigel Balchin by Clive James; Melvyn Bragg on popularization in the arts; a lengthy letter from George Steiner explaining why he wouldn't be contributing; and a clutch of reviews by Russell Davies, Martin Amis, Lorna Sage and others. Poignantly, there was also a Letter from Paris by the political commentator Francis Hope, who had died in the previous month's Ermenonville air disaster.
It was a promising start but things had already gone awry. Schedules were out of kilter because Oxford University Press, which had set up a special unit to manage subscriptions, insisted for financial reasons that the first issue should not only appear in April 1974 but be designated "April", while Hamilton wanted it to appear as the May issue, thus gaining some ground. This he never managed to do, and among the many criticisms levelled at the New Review was its irregular and late appearance. A combination of more commonplace problems – late copy, staff shortages, problems with printers and strikes at the bindery – along with a chronically unreliable cash flow, would beset the entire run. But more importantly two early gambles had failed to pay off – that the ambitious promotion campaign would result in 5,000 subscriptions and that after six issues the magazine would be in a strong position to seek backing from private or foundation sources (although these were never specified). The first issue was sent out to just 1,500 subscribers, around the same number as the Review, and although bookshop sales of 3,000 were higher than predicted they soon fell to 1,200, which was closer to the figure anticipated. Of the subscribers, two-thirds took advantage of a hastily concocted pre-publication offer of £8 per annum. The meagre cash reserves were quickly used up and, as costs mounted, a hand-to-mouth monthly routine was established: as each issue was produced, the Arts Council would send another cheque, "to ease pressure on your cash resource", which was immediately used to pay off accumulated debts. Hamilton later complained, not without reason, that contrary to popular belief the magazine was underfunded from the outset.
In issue No. 10 Hamilton's combative "Greek St." editorial looks back on the first year of publication and launches a spirited attack on the magazine's critics, arguing that "the ill feeling hasn't had its basis in ideas, or even in taste, and certainly not in any passion for expansiveness or detail. It has been almost exclusively concerned with money". He knows that the magazine is regarded by "the philistine and the envious" as an undeserving beneficiary of the public purse, and sets out to demolish that view. Getting into his stride, he continues:
The New Review is not subsidised by the Arts Council of Great Britain. It receives a grant-in-aid of £750 per issue [up from the £600 per issue in 1974]; this grant takes the form of a guarantee against loss and is payable issue by issue – in other words you get it when and if you have produced the goods. A princely sum? Not in the least. Our bill for contributors alone this month is near to £1,000. Our printing bills (including paper) are around £3,000 and will go up. Our office rent and overheads amount to . . . .
He breaks off here and invites the reader to calculate how many subscribers are required to cover these essential costs, then to factor in the cutbacks afflicting libraries and learned institutions and the reduction in publishers' advertising budgets. He adds "A charitable computer would, no doubt, mix into all this some chilly data on the present cash-fixated economic climate, but we don't insist on charity". What he does insist on is that the existence of the magazine "is certainly not guaranteed by public funds", which is true as far as it goes, but which doesn't go far enough in recognizing the Council's critical role. He signs off by claiming that the Council's own estimate for launching a monthly magazine had been around £75,000 (actually £60,000) and implies that in sponsoring the relaunch of the Review as a going concern the Council had actually saved the taxpayers money!
Hamilton recalled his difficulties with funding panels in his essay "The Trouble With Money": "Wild-eyed anarchic novelists would transmute into prim-lipped accountants. Tremulous lyric poets would rear up like tigers of the bottom line". But it wasn't just about money. Hamilton combined great charm, intelligence and honesty with a gift for alienating potential allies and supporters. An early spat occurred when in issue No. 12 the New Review's short-lived feature "Adrian's Diary" carried a disparaging reference to the Art's Council's funding of an organization called The Association of Community Arts – "a few amateur and largely talentless layabouts". The tone was unpleasantly de haut en bas and a clear breach of confidentiality, prompting a letter of protest from the Arts Council's Secretary-General Roy Shaw and another from Elizabeth Thomas, a member of the Literature Panel. She called for "a more diversified editorial policy" to "achieve a wide appeal and a good circulation", complained that "most of . . . the subjects, the writers, the reviewers, the poets are indistinguishable" from those in the Review and that the new magazine should seek fresh talent (she offers to provide a list). She adds that too much of the magazine's subsidy was "swallowed up in production costs". The unsigned response from the Editor ended with a withering put-down, that "remembering Mrs Thomas's performance as literary editor of [the fortnightly left-wing periodical] Tribune, we have to doubt that her idea of talent will accord with ours".
Thomas was right, however, about production costs. The use of quality paper in a ninety-two-page magazine meant that postage costs, especially to the United States, were crippling. Another problem arose from the commitment to publishing twelve issues a year. The Review had appeared as a quarterly for its first two years but very irregularly after that, usually once a year with the occasional "double number" or poetry pamphlet thrown in to satisfy subscribers. Hamilton eventually came to realize that a highbrow literary magazine with a small readership and very little advertising should probably be a quarterly, and although the last two issues appeared as such and in a more compact A5 format, it was too late to make a difference. The rackety finances led to fluctuating cover charges: 90p at the launch, cut to 75p from issue No. 28, increased to £1 for the "double issue" 34/35 of March 1972 with its provocative Hockney/Kitaj nude cover; then back to 75p before rising to 90p again from issue No. 42 (an increase announced by a last-minute tipped-in label in issue No. 41). These seem minor recalibrations until we take into account the purchasing power of a pound in the late 1970s. The last two issues in the smaller format cost £1.75 at a time when the weekly TLS was just 25p.
So, given that it was unpopular, over-priced, loss-making, insufficiently egalitarian and erratically managed, why did the New Review have to close? Colin Falck expressed a commonly held view: "The New Review was eventually destroyed – a victim of cultural committee wars – by a purportedly more democratic faction which saw Arts Council money as having been disproportionately hijacked by an enterprise that was elitist in spirit and which sold very few copies of its magazine on the streets". Charges of elitism were not without foundation; nobody could accuse Hamilton of having the common touch. David Harsent recalled asking what the magazine's circulation was and the Editor replying "About two thousand". When asked if he wouldn't like it to be more, say four thousand, Hamilton said: "Maybe. But I'd need to know who the other two thousand people were".
That's droll, but there's something self-defeating in the swagger. Hamilton's own poetry and the poetry he admired – Robert Lowell's, for example – was addressed to the individual reader invited to eavesdrop on intense private moments in the poet's experience, an intimacy that cannot be scaled up to inform the content of a commercial magazine. We may be reminded of the anonymous pundit, quoted in The Thirties: A dream revolved (1960) by Julian Symons, who reckoned the population of serious poetry readers in Britain at any given moment numbered around 100. Even catering for that tiny community might have made Hamilton twitchy. In a television interview in 1974 he claimed ironically that "readers are likely to contaminate the pure spirit" of a little magazine. This comes close to the advice given unironically to the poet Michael Hrebeniak by Eric Mottram: "Don't write anything you can get published".
When it finally closed down the magazine was riddled with debt and Hamilton had no defence. "It was all down to me: I was the sole owner, and, indeed, for years afterwards I was paying the bills, paying the rates, empty rates on this office we'd been thrown out of virtually. And mysterious bills would arrive from way back. It wasn't a proper company; it couldn't go bust." But it could, and did, and so did he. Long after the magazine folded the ex-Editor was hounded by creditors and the Inland Revenue. Hamilton's own poetry all but dried up during his Editorship of the New Review, and he later dubbed the period 1973–9 "the trashy years", ruefully remembering "the raggedness of everything, the booze, the jokes, the literary feuds, the almost-love-affairs, the cash, the somehow-getting-to-be-forty, and so on".
As the New Review's debts mounted and the cheques bounced and the bailiffs gathered on the office staircase, Hamilton's stoic-heroic demeanour contributed to an enduring myth of the embattled leader, the capo, the guv'nor, the Gaffer, celebrated in Another Round at the Pillars, the festschrift that marked his sixtieth birthday. The contributors to that book – all male – attest warmly to Hamilton's great charm, kindness, sardonic wit and extraordinarily high standards. The boozy sodality of the Pillars of Hercules, the pub next door to the magazine's Soho offices, generated many stories, some quite plausible. The view of Hamilton as a tough guy spoiling for a fight is the stuff of Soho legend, but it's not the full story. Although the importance of the New Review lies partly in its having given an early break to several male writers who later became famous and who loyally promoted Hamilton's legacy, women writers also featured very prominently – Jean Rhys, Caroline Blackwood, Beryl Bainbridge, Edna O'Brien, Lorna Sage, Alison Lurie, Patricia Highsmith, Nadine Gordimer, Margaret Drabble, Germaine Greer, Patricia Hale, Natasha Spender, Iris Murdoch and many others, at a time when the literary establishment was a largely male domain. Contrary to the received wisdom at the time, the New Review was a surprisingly egalitarian enterprise, was not monopolized by any Oxbridge mafia and, while never aimed at everyone, was open to anyone – providing they were good enough.
The New Review casts such a long shadow that it's easy to overlook a multitude of other little magazines in circulation at the time, most of them justly forgotten. A conservative estimate of the number in print during the period 1960–75 is 600, with a startling average of thirty-five new titles per year, a figure partly explained by the growing availability of cheap print technologies. More than 75 per cent of these were produced outside the capital and most were short-lived. What they lacked, as well as a substantial readership, was influence – it was the London periodicals and newspapers that set the national agenda for writing.
Funding was a particularly contentious issue. According to Arts Council archives, for the year ending March 31, 1977, subsidies were made to eleven literary magazines (including Ambit, Agenda, Bananas, Encounter and the London Magazine), amounting to just over £78,000 in all. The New Review received £35,200 – almost half the total allocation, and only £8,000 less than the sum for all ten of the other magazines combined. "A lot of people took personal offence at this", observed Hamilton, drily. Of course the New Review's grant covered twelve issues per year as against quarterly publication for most of the others. But resentment was widespread.
This was certainly the case in Manchester, where Poetry Nation (founded by Michael Schmidt and C. B. Cox in 1973, relaunched in 1976 as PN Review and still going strong) was published twice a year on a fraction of the New Review's budget and at almost twice the cover price. (PN's Arts Council subsidy in 1976/7: £2,100.) It was unremittingly hostile to the New Review and its Editor. Alan Munton depicted them as belonging to a decaying line in bourgeois humanism and Donald Davie questioned why a putsch on the London literary scene could never be mounted by literary-minded students from red-brick universities such as (say) Manchester, challenging the "Oxbridge stranglehold on our literary life". A "plague on both their houses" editorial denounced both "the unformed rhetorical gesture, the unwholesome poem, the sterile poetics" of the Poetry Society and the "small minded" coterie running the New Review. The animosity was still evident shortly after Hamilton's death late in 2001, when in a vinegary letter to this paper Schmidt, the Editor of PN Review, claimed that Hamilton's priorities had shifted from the Review's critical seriousness to the extended "literary profiles" and author features of its successor, "displacing steak with sizzle", his poetical perspectives becoming narrower as his influence grew. "He was reading lives", said Schmidt, "and that is how he spent the rest of his life."
Even if this was the case, it was no bad thing, because what Hamilton referred to wryly as his "so-called literary life" amounts to an impressive bibliography. Following the collapse of the New Review he published superb biographies of Robert Lowell (1982), J. D. Salinger (1988) and Matthew Arnold (1998). There were also brilliant studies of literary estates (Keepers of the Flame, 1992) and poetic reputations (Against Oblivion: Some lives of the twentieth-century poets, published posthumously in 2002); several collections of essays and reviews, twenty-six episodes as writer and presenter of BBC2's Bookmark and many high-profile editorships, including The Faber Book of Football and the Oxford Companion to Twentieth-Century Poetry in English. Add to this a huge amount of intelligent journalism, some of the century's finest lyric poetry and two of the best literary magazines ever published: it amounts to a solid and enduring legacy.
Hamilton was reluctant even to upgrade his Adler Gabriele 25 semi-portable manual typewriter to an electronic version, and would not be at home in today's online publishing world. A website dedicated to his life and work (www.ianhamilton.org) ensures his presence on the internet, but his absence in the real world as a poet, biographer, critic and cultural arbiter is keenly felt.
The Times Literary Supplement – an occasional series of readings: Tap here to listen to Alan Jenkins introduce and read a selection of poems written by Ian Hamilton.
Thursday, 3 April 2014
Ian Hamilton, still fresh
Ian Hamilton, still fresh
Hamilton (in dark glasses) outside the offices of the New Review, early 1970s
Remembering the New Review forty years on
DAVID COLLARD
" In certain moods I used to crave expansiveness and bulk'', Ian Hamilton wrote in the introduction to his Fifty Poems (1988), but these are not to be found in his poetry, which was, Ian Sansom calculated, composed at a rate of eight words per week. For expansiveness and bulk you have to look elsewhere, and the place to begin is the New Review, which Hamilton edited from 1974–8 and was, depending on your point of view, either the best literary periodical of the past fifty years or an elitist folly lavishly bankrolled by the taxpayer.
What it was not was a poetry magazine. Hamilton claimed that there were no more than two or three poets he wanted to publish and in any case his interest in the poetry scene had by then lessened to what he saw as a marginal, policing role. Having said which, most of the poetry published in the New Review is outstanding – the first issue has ten poems by Robert Lowell and later on there are appearances by Douglas Dunn, James Fenton, Alan Brownjohn, Hugo Williams, David Harsent, Andrew Motion, Tom Paulin and Craig Raine. But that's not all – there are full-length plays by Simon Gray, Harold Pinter, Sławomir Mrożek, Dennis Potter and Christopher Hampton. There's James Fox's forensic account of the Lord Lucan affair; features on the IRA bombings and the 1977 Dutch train hijacking; polemical essays such as John Carey's "Down with Dons"; lengthy profiles (John Sturrock on Roland Barthes; Clive James on Kingsley Amis; Dan Jacobson on Philip Larkin); A-list encounters (Martin Amis with Joseph Heller, Melvyn Bragg with Robert Redford, Saul Bellow interviewing himself); fiction from John McGahern, Jim Crace and William Trevor, and the first appearance of Ian McEwan's short stories "Solid Geometry", "Pornography" and "Reflections of a Kept Ape".
The New Review still looks fresh, in a way that few magazines even from the recent past ever do. The striking covers make use of collage, caricature, cut-ups, photo-montage, photo-journalism, cartoons by Marc Boxer, pop art by Roy Lichtenstein, authors' mugshots, foreign film stills, and (an example of the blurring of cultural boundaries that became commonplace twenty years later) the footballer Jimmy Greaves. The spacious layout of double columns with generous margins is clean and modern, the high-quality paper still crisp and bright. There are no full-page colour ads for flashy aspirational brands such as BOAC, Johnnie Walker or Peter Stuyvesant. In fact, apart from publishers' announcements (which are a treat) there's hardly any advertising at all, which contributed to the magazine's financial failure. It's a tribute to the Editor's tenacity, hard work and powers of persuasion that it lasted for fifty issues.
It's not all good, of course, and the flaws are obvious. The editorials are often condescending and the layout can be less than scintillating, especially in later editions when money was very tight. While there are many fine pieces of reportage there is not much engagement with the zeitgeist. These were the tumultuous punk years, but apart from a cover image of a punk singer called Billy Karloff (who was employed by the New Review as a typesetter) and a fine piece by Hugo Williams on the pub rockers Dr Feelgood there is little that reflects this. There's some discreet logrolling, a certain cliquishness that is a hallmark of any little magazine, and one also realizes how very monocultural things were back then, how middle-class, how white. There are also times when the New Review appears to have no clear sense of direction, reminding us of the criticism Hamilton levelled at Cyril Connolly's Horizon: that on occasion it was not "able, (or even, as far as anyone was able to tell, willing) to provide more than just a place to print things".
I bought my first copy of the New Review in autumn 1978 – Volume 5, No. 2. The contents page promised Isaiah Berlin on Tolstoy, an interview with the promising new writer McEwan, John Bayley on William Empson, Larkin on Kingsley Amis, A. J. P. Taylor taking "vigorous exception" to the Times Atlas of World History, John Calder demolishing Deirdre Bair's biography of Samuel Beckett, Christopher Reid on Ted Hughes and Robert Hewison on Bob Dylan. A typically dazzling roster, but this issue was to be the last. The magazine closed down that month after losing its Arts Council subsidy. What I did not know then was what Hamilton stood for, or how fiercely contested the cultural ground occupied by his magazine was. For its detractors it was a vainglorious waste of public funds. For its supporters it was part of a continuing struggle to determine the future direction of literary culture at a time of often rancorous conflict between conservative anti-modernists and radical usurpers – a conflict that, because it was fought most bitterly in the small arena of publications and organizations concerned with poetry, became known as the poetry wars.
Before the New Review Hamilton had edited the Review (1962–72), co-founded with Michael Fried, John Fuller and Colin Falck, a much-admired poetry magazine in pamphlet-octavo that combined undergraduate prankishness with high seriousness, castigating whatever the Editor felt to be inflated, complacent, pretentious or modish. The Review, unarguably Britain's most influential post-war poetry magazine, had, Hamilton wrote, "a sense of its own necessity". It treated poetry as something integral to our culture and was involved in several early skirmishes in the poetry wars, although less in defence of any tradition than as an assault on the crass and the artless. In what Alan Brownjohn has called "a decade soft on crap" the Review's robust critical standards were especially sharp and provocative. Hamilton was appalled when Penguin published the Liverpool poets Adrian Henri, Roger McGough and Brian Patten in The Mersey Sound (1967). It sold 500,000 copies, which appalled him even more. Clive James observed: "It's better to be a half-witted Liverpudlian with a bedside manner than a mandarin with a sneer" and, while this may strike us as little more than complacent snobbery, James shrewdly anticipated a cultural shift that would see an end to the mandarin supremacy (with or without the sneer).
Throughout the Review years Hamilton championed poetry that combined emotional intensity, intellectual precision and the highest level of craft, in the face of alternative forms emerging on both sides of the Atlantic. His position was essentially unchanged some years later, when he said in an interview for the Reader: "Most of what is out there today isn't really poetry . . . . It might be a form of writing that is engaging and sharp and entertaining, but it is not poetry. It's important to make these distinctions". But it was these very distinctions that were being swept away, and in another conversation in 1993 Hamilton admitted that by the time the Review closed down, the battle was lost: "There seemed to be such a chasm between what was really going on in the general culture and the impact that the poems we were printing was likely to make".
What was really going on in the general culture was a process of radical democratization, a minor manifestation being the British Poetry Revival (the phrase coined by Eric Mottram), much of which took place outside the capital but which in its most concentrated and complex form was played out among the anarcho-modernists who had assumed control of the Poetry Society in Earls Court. In the early 1970s a group of radical writers (chief among them Mottram, Bob Cobbing and Jeff Nuttall) had taken over this drowsy institution (membership of around 1,000), transforming it into a countercultural hub subsidized by an increasingly embarrassed Arts Council of Great Britain. Sound, visual and performance poetry began to predominate – not all of it was negligible but much of it today seems twee and dated. As Peter Barry relates in Poetry Wars: British poetry of the 1970s and the battle of Earls Court (2006), this all took place at a time of conflict between opposing poetic camps, radical and conservative, and with an undertow of class warfare. In the elite corner (as far as its enemies were concerned) were the Review and the New Review, addressing themselves to a small community of cultivated readers who shared their Editor's values and standards. In the other corner was the rest of the poetry world, or so it seemed. A flavour of what was going on in Earls' Court can be found in testimony given by an anonymous Poetry Society staff member to the 1976 Witt Report (the Arts Council's investigation, quoted by Barry in Poetry Wars):
She said she did not know Jeff Nuttall very well, but when he had given a reading at the Society she had found broken eggs on the rostrum next morning, a tin of golden syrup underneath the piano, with a doll stuck in the syrup and there was talcum powder everywhere. Mr Nuttall had also run around in his underwear. There were only twelve people at the reading.
Things were set to change, however, and the Poetry Society radicals were ousted (or, if you prefer, staged a principled walk-out) in March 1977. Mainstream English poetry would for the next thirty years remain largely non-experimental and anti-modernist, a victory of sorts for the Hamilton line. Mottram and his colleagues are now part of what Iain Sinclair calls "deleted history", excluded from the discourse surrounding the subject, no longer occupying even the margins where they seemed most at home. Significantly, neither the conservative nor the radical poets of the 1970s were endorsed or promoted in the influential Penguin Book of Contemporary British Poetry (1982; edited by Andrew Motion and Blake Morrison, both New Review alumni) and we now live in what Paul Barry calls a "post-dualist" poetry world, diverse and tolerant. But something of value disappeared when the experimental modernist tendency – a line that extended back, via Basil Bunting, the Poetry Society's President, to Ezra Pound – was so thoroughly sidelined forty years ago.
Hamilton had first approached the Arts Council early in 1967, seeking financial support for the Review (he owed his printers £300), adding the caveat that "grants and guarantees of this kind are the minimum required to merely keep the magazine afloat. They would not enable us to pay contributors properly, nor to launch a campaign for new subscriptions. But perhaps these are luxuries". Two months later the Arts Council offered a grant of £250 payable in instalments on publication of each of six issues, thus initiating a pattern that would beset Hamilton for the next decade – that subsidy for each new issue of a publication would be swallowed up by debts accumulated from previous issues. By early 1970 Hamilton was applying for £1,000 towards the cost of four more issues.In January 1973 Hamilton wrote to Charles Osborne, the Council's Literature Director, saying that he felt the Review had served its purpose and was in danger of becoming predictable and repetitive. He wanted to enlarge the magazine into "a general literary periodical" covering both poetry and fiction and was upbeat about likely sales. Osborne was open to suggestions and had for some time wanted to launch a new magazine with Arts Council support, although the cost of doing so from scratch was daunting. The second half of Hamilton's letter referred to a backlog of debt and invited "an investment" of £1,000 to pay off his printers and to "give the Review a decent burial". (Its successor would carry a small print note on the title page stating that "The New Review incorporates the Review, a quarterly magazine of poetry and criticism founded in 1962".) The earliest reference to a provisionally titled New Review is in a letter dated September 9, 1973 from Hamilton to the Arts Council's Financial Director Anthony Field, in which he estimates that "the annual loss would not exceed £7,500" and requests a subsidy of £600 per issue. He concludes by asking for an immediate advance of £2,000 to cover pressing print and secretarial costs. The annual subsidy was soon confirmed as £7,500 (presumably based on Hamilton's estimate of the loss), payable in two instalments, and the following month an account was set up on behalf of the magazine, now officially called the New Review.
The first issue appeared in April 1974, which Hamilton later described as "the most melodramatically austere month in Britain's post-war history", a time of miners' strikes, power cuts and the three-day week, prompting criticism of such publicly funded extravagance at a time of national crisis. If not in a literal sense glossy, the magazine had a glamorous aura that contrasted with the standard offset litho publications of the time such as Private Eye, which sniped amusingly and relentlessly at the high-flown pretentiousness of it all. The first editorial contained no manifesto or statement of intent but kicked off by welcoming the appointment of John Gross as the new Editor of the Times Literary Supplement and raising the contentious if unelectrifying issue of reviewer anonymity (TLS reviews were traditionally anonymous and would remain so until later that year). The rest of the magazine was more impressive – the ten Lowell poems; long pieces by Edna O'Brien and Caroline Blackwood; Jonathan Raban's profile of Angus Wilson; a sparkling essay on Nigel Balchin by Clive James; Melvyn Bragg on popularization in the arts; a lengthy letter from George Steiner explaining why he wouldn't be contributing; and a clutch of reviews by Russell Davies, Martin Amis, Lorna Sage and others. Poignantly, there was also a Letter from Paris by the political commentator Francis Hope, who had died in the previous month's Ermenonville air disaster.
It was a promising start but things had already gone awry. Schedules were out of kilter because Oxford University Press, which had set up a special unit to manage subscriptions, insisted for financial reasons that the first issue should not only appear in April 1974 but be designated "April", while Hamilton wanted it to appear as the May issue, thus gaining some ground. This he never managed to do, and among the many criticisms levelled at the New Review was its irregular and late appearance. A combination of more commonplace problems – late copy, staff shortages, problems with printers and strikes at the bindery – along with a chronically unreliable cash flow, would beset the entire run. But more importantly two early gambles had failed to pay off – that the ambitious promotion campaign would result in 5,000 subscriptions and that after six issues the magazine would be in a strong position to seek backing from private or foundation sources (although these were never specified). The first issue was sent out to just 1,500 subscribers, around the same number as the Review, and although bookshop sales of 3,000 were higher than predicted they soon fell to 1,200, which was closer to the figure anticipated. Of the subscribers, two-thirds took advantage of a hastily concocted pre-publication offer of £8 per annum. The meagre cash reserves were quickly used up and, as costs mounted, a hand-to-mouth monthly routine was established: as each issue was produced, the Arts Council would send another cheque, "to ease pressure on your cash resource", which was immediately used to pay off accumulated debts. Hamilton later complained, not without reason, that contrary to popular belief the magazine was underfunded from the outset.
In issue No. 10 Hamilton's combative "Greek St." editorial looks back on the first year of publication and launches a spirited attack on the magazine's critics, arguing that "the ill feeling hasn't had its basis in ideas, or even in taste, and certainly not in any passion for expansiveness or detail. It has been almost exclusively concerned with money". He knows that the magazine is regarded by "the philistine and the envious" as an undeserving beneficiary of the public purse, and sets out to demolish that view. Getting into his stride, he continues:
The New Review is not subsidised by the Arts Council of Great Britain. It receives a grant-in-aid of £750 per issue [up from the £600 per issue in 1974]; this grant takes the form of a guarantee against loss and is payable issue by issue – in other words you get it when and if you have produced the goods. A princely sum? Not in the least. Our bill for contributors alone this month is near to £1,000. Our printing bills (including paper) are around £3,000 and will go up. Our office rent and overheads amount to . . . .
He breaks off here and invites the reader to calculate how many subscribers are required to cover these essential costs, then to factor in the cutbacks afflicting libraries and learned institutions and the reduction in publishers' advertising budgets. He adds "A charitable computer would, no doubt, mix into all this some chilly data on the present cash-fixated economic climate, but we don't insist on charity". What he does insist on is that the existence of the magazine "is certainly not guaranteed by public funds", which is true as far as it goes, but which doesn't go far enough in recognizing the Council's critical role. He signs off by claiming that the Council's own estimate for launching a monthly magazine had been around £75,000 (actually £60,000) and implies that in sponsoring the relaunch of the Review as a going concern the Council had actually saved the taxpayers money!
Hamilton recalled his difficulties with funding panels in his essay "The Trouble With Money": "Wild-eyed anarchic novelists would transmute into prim-lipped accountants. Tremulous lyric poets would rear up like tigers of the bottom line". But it wasn't just about money. Hamilton combined great charm, intelligence and honesty with a gift for alienating potential allies and supporters. An early spat occurred when in issue No. 12 the New Review's short-lived feature "Adrian's Diary" carried a disparaging reference to the Art's Council's funding of an organization called The Association of Community Arts – "a few amateur and largely talentless layabouts". The tone was unpleasantly de haut en bas and a clear breach of confidentiality, prompting a letter of protest from the Arts Council's Secretary-General Roy Shaw and another from Elizabeth Thomas, a member of the Literature Panel. She called for "a more diversified editorial policy" to "achieve a wide appeal and a good circulation", complained that "most of . . . the subjects, the writers, the reviewers, the poets are indistinguishable" from those in the Review and that the new magazine should seek fresh talent (she offers to provide a list). She adds that too much of the magazine's subsidy was "swallowed up in production costs". The unsigned response from the Editor ended with a withering put-down, that "remembering Mrs Thomas's performance as literary editor of [the fortnightly left-wing periodical] Tribune, we have to doubt that her idea of talent will accord with ours".
Thomas was right, however, about production costs. The use of quality paper in a ninety-two-page magazine meant that postage costs, especially to the United States, were crippling. Another problem arose from the commitment to publishing twelve issues a year. The Review had appeared as a quarterly for its first two years but very irregularly after that, usually once a year with the occasional "double number" or poetry pamphlet thrown in to satisfy subscribers. Hamilton eventually came to realize that a highbrow literary magazine with a small readership and very little advertising should probably be a quarterly, and although the last two issues appeared as such and in a more compact A5 format, it was too late to make a difference. The rackety finances led to fluctuating cover charges: 90p at the launch, cut to 75p from issue No. 28, increased to £1 for the "double issue" 34/35 of March 1972 with its provocative Hockney/Kitaj nude cover; then back to 75p before rising to 90p again from issue No. 42 (an increase announced by a last-minute tipped-in label in issue No. 41). These seem minor recalibrations until we take into account the purchasing power of a pound in the late 1970s. The last two issues in the smaller format cost £1.75 at a time when the weekly TLS was just 25p.
So, given that it was unpopular, over-priced, loss-making, insufficiently egalitarian and erratically managed, why did the New Review have to close? Colin Falck expressed a commonly held view: "The New Review was eventually destroyed – a victim of cultural committee wars – by a purportedly more democratic faction which saw Arts Council money as having been disproportionately hijacked by an enterprise that was elitist in spirit and which sold very few copies of its magazine on the streets". Charges of elitism were not without foundation; nobody could accuse Hamilton of having the common touch. David Harsent recalled asking what the magazine's circulation was and the Editor replying "About two thousand". When asked if he wouldn't like it to be more, say four thousand, Hamilton said: "Maybe. But I'd need to know who the other two thousand people were".
That's droll, but there's something self-defeating in the swagger. Hamilton's own poetry and the poetry he admired – Robert Lowell's, for example – was addressed to the individual reader invited to eavesdrop on intense private moments in the poet's experience, an intimacy that cannot be scaled up to inform the content of a commercial magazine. We may be reminded of the anonymous pundit, quoted in The Thirties: A dream revolved (1960) by Julian Symons, who reckoned the population of serious poetry readers in Britain at any given moment numbered around 100. Even catering for that tiny community might have made Hamilton twitchy. In a television interview in 1974 he claimed ironically that "readers are likely to contaminate the pure spirit" of a little magazine. This comes close to the advice given unironically to the poet Michael Hrebeniak by Eric Mottram: "Don't write anything you can get published".
When it finally closed down the magazine was riddled with debt and Hamilton had no defence. "It was all down to me: I was the sole owner, and, indeed, for years afterwards I was paying the bills, paying the rates, empty rates on this office we'd been thrown out of virtually. And mysterious bills would arrive from way back. It wasn't a proper company; it couldn't go bust." But it could, and did, and so did he. Long after the magazine folded the ex-Editor was hounded by creditors and the Inland Revenue. Hamilton's own poetry all but dried up during his Editorship of the New Review, and he later dubbed the period 1973–9 "the trashy years", ruefully remembering "the raggedness of everything, the booze, the jokes, the literary feuds, the almost-love-affairs, the cash, the somehow-getting-to-be-forty, and so on".
As the New Review's debts mounted and the cheques bounced and the bailiffs gathered on the office staircase, Hamilton's stoic-heroic demeanour contributed to an enduring myth of the embattled leader, the capo, the guv'nor, the Gaffer, celebrated in Another Round at the Pillars, the festschrift that marked his sixtieth birthday. The contributors to that book – all male – attest warmly to Hamilton's great charm, kindness, sardonic wit and extraordinarily high standards. The boozy sodality of the Pillars of Hercules, the pub next door to the magazine's Soho offices, generated many stories, some quite plausible. The view of Hamilton as a tough guy spoiling for a fight is the stuff of Soho legend, but it's not the full story. Although the importance of the New Review lies partly in its having given an early break to several male writers who later became famous and who loyally promoted Hamilton's legacy, women writers also featured very prominently – Jean Rhys, Caroline Blackwood, Beryl Bainbridge, Edna O'Brien, Lorna Sage, Alison Lurie, Patricia Highsmith, Nadine Gordimer, Margaret Drabble, Germaine Greer, Patricia Hale, Natasha Spender, Iris Murdoch and many others, at a time when the literary establishment was a largely male domain. Contrary to the received wisdom at the time, the New Review was a surprisingly egalitarian enterprise, was not monopolized by any Oxbridge mafia and, while never aimed at everyone, was open to anyone – providing they were good enough.
The New Review casts such a long shadow that it's easy to overlook a multitude of other little magazines in circulation at the time, most of them justly forgotten. A conservative estimate of the number in print during the period 1960–75 is 600, with a startling average of thirty-five new titles per year, a figure partly explained by the growing availability of cheap print technologies. More than 75 per cent of these were produced outside the capital and most were short-lived. What they lacked, as well as a substantial readership, was influence – it was the London periodicals and newspapers that set the national agenda for writing.
Funding was a particularly contentious issue. According to Arts Council archives, for the year ending March 31, 1977, subsidies were made to eleven literary magazines (including Ambit, Agenda, Bananas, Encounter and the London Magazine), amounting to just over £78,000 in all. The New Review received £35,200 – almost half the total allocation, and only £8,000 less than the sum for all ten of the other magazines combined. "A lot of people took personal offence at this", observed Hamilton, drily. Of course the New Review's grant covered twelve issues per year as against quarterly publication for most of the others. But resentment was widespread.
This was certainly the case in Manchester, where Poetry Nation (founded by Michael Schmidt and C. B. Cox in 1973, relaunched in 1976 as PN Review and still going strong) was published twice a year on a fraction of the New Review's budget and at almost twice the cover price. (PN's Arts Council subsidy in 1976/7: £2,100.) It was unremittingly hostile to the New Review and its Editor. Alan Munton depicted them as belonging to a decaying line in bourgeois humanism and Donald Davie questioned why a putsch on the London literary scene could never be mounted by literary-minded students from red-brick universities such as (say) Manchester, challenging the "Oxbridge stranglehold on our literary life". A "plague on both their houses" editorial denounced both "the unformed rhetorical gesture, the unwholesome poem, the sterile poetics" of the Poetry Society and the "small minded" coterie running the New Review. The animosity was still evident shortly after Hamilton's death late in 2001, when in a vinegary letter to this paper Schmidt, the Editor of PN Review, claimed that Hamilton's priorities had shifted from the Review's critical seriousness to the extended "literary profiles" and author features of its successor, "displacing steak with sizzle", his poetical perspectives becoming narrower as his influence grew. "He was reading lives", said Schmidt, "and that is how he spent the rest of his life."
Even if this was the case, it was no bad thing, because what Hamilton referred to wryly as his "so-called literary life" amounts to an impressive bibliography. Following the collapse of the New Review he published superb biographies of Robert Lowell (1982), J. D. Salinger (1988) and Matthew Arnold (1998). There were also brilliant studies of literary estates (Keepers of the Flame, 1992) and poetic reputations (Against Oblivion: Some lives of the twentieth-century poets, published posthumously in 2002); several collections of essays and reviews, twenty-six episodes as writer and presenter of BBC2's Bookmark and many high-profile editorships, including The Faber Book of Football and the Oxford Companion to Twentieth-Century Poetry in English. Add to this a huge amount of intelligent journalism, some of the century's finest lyric poetry and two of the best literary magazines ever published: it amounts to a solid and enduring legacy.
Hamilton was reluctant even to upgrade his Adler Gabriele 25 semi-portable manual typewriter to an electronic version, and would not be at home in today's online publishing world. A website dedicated to his life and work (www.ianhamilton.org) ensures his presence on the internet, but his absence in the real world as a poet, biographer, critic and cultural arbiter is keenly felt.
The Times Literary Supplement – an occasional series of readings: Tap here to listen to Alan Jenkins introduce and read a selection of poems written by Ian Hamilton.
Hamilton (in dark glasses) outside the offices of the New Review, early 1970s
Remembering the New Review forty years on
DAVID COLLARD
" In certain moods I used to crave expansiveness and bulk'', Ian Hamilton wrote in the introduction to his Fifty Poems (1988), but these are not to be found in his poetry, which was, Ian Sansom calculated, composed at a rate of eight words per week. For expansiveness and bulk you have to look elsewhere, and the place to begin is the New Review, which Hamilton edited from 1974–8 and was, depending on your point of view, either the best literary periodical of the past fifty years or an elitist folly lavishly bankrolled by the taxpayer.
What it was not was a poetry magazine. Hamilton claimed that there were no more than two or three poets he wanted to publish and in any case his interest in the poetry scene had by then lessened to what he saw as a marginal, policing role. Having said which, most of the poetry published in the New Review is outstanding – the first issue has ten poems by Robert Lowell and later on there are appearances by Douglas Dunn, James Fenton, Alan Brownjohn, Hugo Williams, David Harsent, Andrew Motion, Tom Paulin and Craig Raine. But that's not all – there are full-length plays by Simon Gray, Harold Pinter, Sławomir Mrożek, Dennis Potter and Christopher Hampton. There's James Fox's forensic account of the Lord Lucan affair; features on the IRA bombings and the 1977 Dutch train hijacking; polemical essays such as John Carey's "Down with Dons"; lengthy profiles (John Sturrock on Roland Barthes; Clive James on Kingsley Amis; Dan Jacobson on Philip Larkin); A-list encounters (Martin Amis with Joseph Heller, Melvyn Bragg with Robert Redford, Saul Bellow interviewing himself); fiction from John McGahern, Jim Crace and William Trevor, and the first appearance of Ian McEwan's short stories "Solid Geometry", "Pornography" and "Reflections of a Kept Ape".
The New Review still looks fresh, in a way that few magazines even from the recent past ever do. The striking covers make use of collage, caricature, cut-ups, photo-montage, photo-journalism, cartoons by Marc Boxer, pop art by Roy Lichtenstein, authors' mugshots, foreign film stills, and (an example of the blurring of cultural boundaries that became commonplace twenty years later) the footballer Jimmy Greaves. The spacious layout of double columns with generous margins is clean and modern, the high-quality paper still crisp and bright. There are no full-page colour ads for flashy aspirational brands such as BOAC, Johnnie Walker or Peter Stuyvesant. In fact, apart from publishers' announcements (which are a treat) there's hardly any advertising at all, which contributed to the magazine's financial failure. It's a tribute to the Editor's tenacity, hard work and powers of persuasion that it lasted for fifty issues.
It's not all good, of course, and the flaws are obvious. The editorials are often condescending and the layout can be less than scintillating, especially in later editions when money was very tight. While there are many fine pieces of reportage there is not much engagement with the zeitgeist. These were the tumultuous punk years, but apart from a cover image of a punk singer called Billy Karloff (who was employed by the New Review as a typesetter) and a fine piece by Hugo Williams on the pub rockers Dr Feelgood there is little that reflects this. There's some discreet logrolling, a certain cliquishness that is a hallmark of any little magazine, and one also realizes how very monocultural things were back then, how middle-class, how white. There are also times when the New Review appears to have no clear sense of direction, reminding us of the criticism Hamilton levelled at Cyril Connolly's Horizon: that on occasion it was not "able, (or even, as far as anyone was able to tell, willing) to provide more than just a place to print things".
I bought my first copy of the New Review in autumn 1978 – Volume 5, No. 2. The contents page promised Isaiah Berlin on Tolstoy, an interview with the promising new writer McEwan, John Bayley on William Empson, Larkin on Kingsley Amis, A. J. P. Taylor taking "vigorous exception" to the Times Atlas of World History, John Calder demolishing Deirdre Bair's biography of Samuel Beckett, Christopher Reid on Ted Hughes and Robert Hewison on Bob Dylan. A typically dazzling roster, but this issue was to be the last. The magazine closed down that month after losing its Arts Council subsidy. What I did not know then was what Hamilton stood for, or how fiercely contested the cultural ground occupied by his magazine was. For its detractors it was a vainglorious waste of public funds. For its supporters it was part of a continuing struggle to determine the future direction of literary culture at a time of often rancorous conflict between conservative anti-modernists and radical usurpers – a conflict that, because it was fought most bitterly in the small arena of publications and organizations concerned with poetry, became known as the poetry wars.
Before the New Review Hamilton had edited the Review (1962–72), co-founded with Michael Fried, John Fuller and Colin Falck, a much-admired poetry magazine in pamphlet-octavo that combined undergraduate prankishness with high seriousness, castigating whatever the Editor felt to be inflated, complacent, pretentious or modish. The Review, unarguably Britain's most influential post-war poetry magazine, had, Hamilton wrote, "a sense of its own necessity". It treated poetry as something integral to our culture and was involved in several early skirmishes in the poetry wars, although less in defence of any tradition than as an assault on the crass and the artless. In what Alan Brownjohn has called "a decade soft on crap" the Review's robust critical standards were especially sharp and provocative. Hamilton was appalled when Penguin published the Liverpool poets Adrian Henri, Roger McGough and Brian Patten in The Mersey Sound (1967). It sold 500,000 copies, which appalled him even more. Clive James observed: "It's better to be a half-witted Liverpudlian with a bedside manner than a mandarin with a sneer" and, while this may strike us as little more than complacent snobbery, James shrewdly anticipated a cultural shift that would see an end to the mandarin supremacy (with or without the sneer).
Throughout the Review years Hamilton championed poetry that combined emotional intensity, intellectual precision and the highest level of craft, in the face of alternative forms emerging on both sides of the Atlantic. His position was essentially unchanged some years later, when he said in an interview for the Reader: "Most of what is out there today isn't really poetry . . . . It might be a form of writing that is engaging and sharp and entertaining, but it is not poetry. It's important to make these distinctions". But it was these very distinctions that were being swept away, and in another conversation in 1993 Hamilton admitted that by the time the Review closed down, the battle was lost: "There seemed to be such a chasm between what was really going on in the general culture and the impact that the poems we were printing was likely to make".
What was really going on in the general culture was a process of radical democratization, a minor manifestation being the British Poetry Revival (the phrase coined by Eric Mottram), much of which took place outside the capital but which in its most concentrated and complex form was played out among the anarcho-modernists who had assumed control of the Poetry Society in Earls Court. In the early 1970s a group of radical writers (chief among them Mottram, Bob Cobbing and Jeff Nuttall) had taken over this drowsy institution (membership of around 1,000), transforming it into a countercultural hub subsidized by an increasingly embarrassed Arts Council of Great Britain. Sound, visual and performance poetry began to predominate – not all of it was negligible but much of it today seems twee and dated. As Peter Barry relates in Poetry Wars: British poetry of the 1970s and the battle of Earls Court (2006), this all took place at a time of conflict between opposing poetic camps, radical and conservative, and with an undertow of class warfare. In the elite corner (as far as its enemies were concerned) were the Review and the New Review, addressing themselves to a small community of cultivated readers who shared their Editor's values and standards. In the other corner was the rest of the poetry world, or so it seemed. A flavour of what was going on in Earls' Court can be found in testimony given by an anonymous Poetry Society staff member to the 1976 Witt Report (the Arts Council's investigation, quoted by Barry in Poetry Wars):
She said she did not know Jeff Nuttall very well, but when he had given a reading at the Society she had found broken eggs on the rostrum next morning, a tin of golden syrup underneath the piano, with a doll stuck in the syrup and there was talcum powder everywhere. Mr Nuttall had also run around in his underwear. There were only twelve people at the reading.
Things were set to change, however, and the Poetry Society radicals were ousted (or, if you prefer, staged a principled walk-out) in March 1977. Mainstream English poetry would for the next thirty years remain largely non-experimental and anti-modernist, a victory of sorts for the Hamilton line. Mottram and his colleagues are now part of what Iain Sinclair calls "deleted history", excluded from the discourse surrounding the subject, no longer occupying even the margins where they seemed most at home. Significantly, neither the conservative nor the radical poets of the 1970s were endorsed or promoted in the influential Penguin Book of Contemporary British Poetry (1982; edited by Andrew Motion and Blake Morrison, both New Review alumni) and we now live in what Paul Barry calls a "post-dualist" poetry world, diverse and tolerant. But something of value disappeared when the experimental modernist tendency – a line that extended back, via Basil Bunting, the Poetry Society's President, to Ezra Pound – was so thoroughly sidelined forty years ago.
Hamilton had first approached the Arts Council early in 1967, seeking financial support for the Review (he owed his printers £300), adding the caveat that "grants and guarantees of this kind are the minimum required to merely keep the magazine afloat. They would not enable us to pay contributors properly, nor to launch a campaign for new subscriptions. But perhaps these are luxuries". Two months later the Arts Council offered a grant of £250 payable in instalments on publication of each of six issues, thus initiating a pattern that would beset Hamilton for the next decade – that subsidy for each new issue of a publication would be swallowed up by debts accumulated from previous issues. By early 1970 Hamilton was applying for £1,000 towards the cost of four more issues.In January 1973 Hamilton wrote to Charles Osborne, the Council's Literature Director, saying that he felt the Review had served its purpose and was in danger of becoming predictable and repetitive. He wanted to enlarge the magazine into "a general literary periodical" covering both poetry and fiction and was upbeat about likely sales. Osborne was open to suggestions and had for some time wanted to launch a new magazine with Arts Council support, although the cost of doing so from scratch was daunting. The second half of Hamilton's letter referred to a backlog of debt and invited "an investment" of £1,000 to pay off his printers and to "give the Review a decent burial". (Its successor would carry a small print note on the title page stating that "The New Review incorporates the Review, a quarterly magazine of poetry and criticism founded in 1962".) The earliest reference to a provisionally titled New Review is in a letter dated September 9, 1973 from Hamilton to the Arts Council's Financial Director Anthony Field, in which he estimates that "the annual loss would not exceed £7,500" and requests a subsidy of £600 per issue. He concludes by asking for an immediate advance of £2,000 to cover pressing print and secretarial costs. The annual subsidy was soon confirmed as £7,500 (presumably based on Hamilton's estimate of the loss), payable in two instalments, and the following month an account was set up on behalf of the magazine, now officially called the New Review.
The first issue appeared in April 1974, which Hamilton later described as "the most melodramatically austere month in Britain's post-war history", a time of miners' strikes, power cuts and the three-day week, prompting criticism of such publicly funded extravagance at a time of national crisis. If not in a literal sense glossy, the magazine had a glamorous aura that contrasted with the standard offset litho publications of the time such as Private Eye, which sniped amusingly and relentlessly at the high-flown pretentiousness of it all. The first editorial contained no manifesto or statement of intent but kicked off by welcoming the appointment of John Gross as the new Editor of the Times Literary Supplement and raising the contentious if unelectrifying issue of reviewer anonymity (TLS reviews were traditionally anonymous and would remain so until later that year). The rest of the magazine was more impressive – the ten Lowell poems; long pieces by Edna O'Brien and Caroline Blackwood; Jonathan Raban's profile of Angus Wilson; a sparkling essay on Nigel Balchin by Clive James; Melvyn Bragg on popularization in the arts; a lengthy letter from George Steiner explaining why he wouldn't be contributing; and a clutch of reviews by Russell Davies, Martin Amis, Lorna Sage and others. Poignantly, there was also a Letter from Paris by the political commentator Francis Hope, who had died in the previous month's Ermenonville air disaster.
It was a promising start but things had already gone awry. Schedules were out of kilter because Oxford University Press, which had set up a special unit to manage subscriptions, insisted for financial reasons that the first issue should not only appear in April 1974 but be designated "April", while Hamilton wanted it to appear as the May issue, thus gaining some ground. This he never managed to do, and among the many criticisms levelled at the New Review was its irregular and late appearance. A combination of more commonplace problems – late copy, staff shortages, problems with printers and strikes at the bindery – along with a chronically unreliable cash flow, would beset the entire run. But more importantly two early gambles had failed to pay off – that the ambitious promotion campaign would result in 5,000 subscriptions and that after six issues the magazine would be in a strong position to seek backing from private or foundation sources (although these were never specified). The first issue was sent out to just 1,500 subscribers, around the same number as the Review, and although bookshop sales of 3,000 were higher than predicted they soon fell to 1,200, which was closer to the figure anticipated. Of the subscribers, two-thirds took advantage of a hastily concocted pre-publication offer of £8 per annum. The meagre cash reserves were quickly used up and, as costs mounted, a hand-to-mouth monthly routine was established: as each issue was produced, the Arts Council would send another cheque, "to ease pressure on your cash resource", which was immediately used to pay off accumulated debts. Hamilton later complained, not without reason, that contrary to popular belief the magazine was underfunded from the outset.
In issue No. 10 Hamilton's combative "Greek St." editorial looks back on the first year of publication and launches a spirited attack on the magazine's critics, arguing that "the ill feeling hasn't had its basis in ideas, or even in taste, and certainly not in any passion for expansiveness or detail. It has been almost exclusively concerned with money". He knows that the magazine is regarded by "the philistine and the envious" as an undeserving beneficiary of the public purse, and sets out to demolish that view. Getting into his stride, he continues:
The New Review is not subsidised by the Arts Council of Great Britain. It receives a grant-in-aid of £750 per issue [up from the £600 per issue in 1974]; this grant takes the form of a guarantee against loss and is payable issue by issue – in other words you get it when and if you have produced the goods. A princely sum? Not in the least. Our bill for contributors alone this month is near to £1,000. Our printing bills (including paper) are around £3,000 and will go up. Our office rent and overheads amount to . . . .
He breaks off here and invites the reader to calculate how many subscribers are required to cover these essential costs, then to factor in the cutbacks afflicting libraries and learned institutions and the reduction in publishers' advertising budgets. He adds "A charitable computer would, no doubt, mix into all this some chilly data on the present cash-fixated economic climate, but we don't insist on charity". What he does insist on is that the existence of the magazine "is certainly not guaranteed by public funds", which is true as far as it goes, but which doesn't go far enough in recognizing the Council's critical role. He signs off by claiming that the Council's own estimate for launching a monthly magazine had been around £75,000 (actually £60,000) and implies that in sponsoring the relaunch of the Review as a going concern the Council had actually saved the taxpayers money!
Hamilton recalled his difficulties with funding panels in his essay "The Trouble With Money": "Wild-eyed anarchic novelists would transmute into prim-lipped accountants. Tremulous lyric poets would rear up like tigers of the bottom line". But it wasn't just about money. Hamilton combined great charm, intelligence and honesty with a gift for alienating potential allies and supporters. An early spat occurred when in issue No. 12 the New Review's short-lived feature "Adrian's Diary" carried a disparaging reference to the Art's Council's funding of an organization called The Association of Community Arts – "a few amateur and largely talentless layabouts". The tone was unpleasantly de haut en bas and a clear breach of confidentiality, prompting a letter of protest from the Arts Council's Secretary-General Roy Shaw and another from Elizabeth Thomas, a member of the Literature Panel. She called for "a more diversified editorial policy" to "achieve a wide appeal and a good circulation", complained that "most of . . . the subjects, the writers, the reviewers, the poets are indistinguishable" from those in the Review and that the new magazine should seek fresh talent (she offers to provide a list). She adds that too much of the magazine's subsidy was "swallowed up in production costs". The unsigned response from the Editor ended with a withering put-down, that "remembering Mrs Thomas's performance as literary editor of [the fortnightly left-wing periodical] Tribune, we have to doubt that her idea of talent will accord with ours".
Thomas was right, however, about production costs. The use of quality paper in a ninety-two-page magazine meant that postage costs, especially to the United States, were crippling. Another problem arose from the commitment to publishing twelve issues a year. The Review had appeared as a quarterly for its first two years but very irregularly after that, usually once a year with the occasional "double number" or poetry pamphlet thrown in to satisfy subscribers. Hamilton eventually came to realize that a highbrow literary magazine with a small readership and very little advertising should probably be a quarterly, and although the last two issues appeared as such and in a more compact A5 format, it was too late to make a difference. The rackety finances led to fluctuating cover charges: 90p at the launch, cut to 75p from issue No. 28, increased to £1 for the "double issue" 34/35 of March 1972 with its provocative Hockney/Kitaj nude cover; then back to 75p before rising to 90p again from issue No. 42 (an increase announced by a last-minute tipped-in label in issue No. 41). These seem minor recalibrations until we take into account the purchasing power of a pound in the late 1970s. The last two issues in the smaller format cost £1.75 at a time when the weekly TLS was just 25p.
So, given that it was unpopular, over-priced, loss-making, insufficiently egalitarian and erratically managed, why did the New Review have to close? Colin Falck expressed a commonly held view: "The New Review was eventually destroyed – a victim of cultural committee wars – by a purportedly more democratic faction which saw Arts Council money as having been disproportionately hijacked by an enterprise that was elitist in spirit and which sold very few copies of its magazine on the streets". Charges of elitism were not without foundation; nobody could accuse Hamilton of having the common touch. David Harsent recalled asking what the magazine's circulation was and the Editor replying "About two thousand". When asked if he wouldn't like it to be more, say four thousand, Hamilton said: "Maybe. But I'd need to know who the other two thousand people were".
That's droll, but there's something self-defeating in the swagger. Hamilton's own poetry and the poetry he admired – Robert Lowell's, for example – was addressed to the individual reader invited to eavesdrop on intense private moments in the poet's experience, an intimacy that cannot be scaled up to inform the content of a commercial magazine. We may be reminded of the anonymous pundit, quoted in The Thirties: A dream revolved (1960) by Julian Symons, who reckoned the population of serious poetry readers in Britain at any given moment numbered around 100. Even catering for that tiny community might have made Hamilton twitchy. In a television interview in 1974 he claimed ironically that "readers are likely to contaminate the pure spirit" of a little magazine. This comes close to the advice given unironically to the poet Michael Hrebeniak by Eric Mottram: "Don't write anything you can get published".
When it finally closed down the magazine was riddled with debt and Hamilton had no defence. "It was all down to me: I was the sole owner, and, indeed, for years afterwards I was paying the bills, paying the rates, empty rates on this office we'd been thrown out of virtually. And mysterious bills would arrive from way back. It wasn't a proper company; it couldn't go bust." But it could, and did, and so did he. Long after the magazine folded the ex-Editor was hounded by creditors and the Inland Revenue. Hamilton's own poetry all but dried up during his Editorship of the New Review, and he later dubbed the period 1973–9 "the trashy years", ruefully remembering "the raggedness of everything, the booze, the jokes, the literary feuds, the almost-love-affairs, the cash, the somehow-getting-to-be-forty, and so on".
As the New Review's debts mounted and the cheques bounced and the bailiffs gathered on the office staircase, Hamilton's stoic-heroic demeanour contributed to an enduring myth of the embattled leader, the capo, the guv'nor, the Gaffer, celebrated in Another Round at the Pillars, the festschrift that marked his sixtieth birthday. The contributors to that book – all male – attest warmly to Hamilton's great charm, kindness, sardonic wit and extraordinarily high standards. The boozy sodality of the Pillars of Hercules, the pub next door to the magazine's Soho offices, generated many stories, some quite plausible. The view of Hamilton as a tough guy spoiling for a fight is the stuff of Soho legend, but it's not the full story. Although the importance of the New Review lies partly in its having given an early break to several male writers who later became famous and who loyally promoted Hamilton's legacy, women writers also featured very prominently – Jean Rhys, Caroline Blackwood, Beryl Bainbridge, Edna O'Brien, Lorna Sage, Alison Lurie, Patricia Highsmith, Nadine Gordimer, Margaret Drabble, Germaine Greer, Patricia Hale, Natasha Spender, Iris Murdoch and many others, at a time when the literary establishment was a largely male domain. Contrary to the received wisdom at the time, the New Review was a surprisingly egalitarian enterprise, was not monopolized by any Oxbridge mafia and, while never aimed at everyone, was open to anyone – providing they were good enough.
The New Review casts such a long shadow that it's easy to overlook a multitude of other little magazines in circulation at the time, most of them justly forgotten. A conservative estimate of the number in print during the period 1960–75 is 600, with a startling average of thirty-five new titles per year, a figure partly explained by the growing availability of cheap print technologies. More than 75 per cent of these were produced outside the capital and most were short-lived. What they lacked, as well as a substantial readership, was influence – it was the London periodicals and newspapers that set the national agenda for writing.
Funding was a particularly contentious issue. According to Arts Council archives, for the year ending March 31, 1977, subsidies were made to eleven literary magazines (including Ambit, Agenda, Bananas, Encounter and the London Magazine), amounting to just over £78,000 in all. The New Review received £35,200 – almost half the total allocation, and only £8,000 less than the sum for all ten of the other magazines combined. "A lot of people took personal offence at this", observed Hamilton, drily. Of course the New Review's grant covered twelve issues per year as against quarterly publication for most of the others. But resentment was widespread.
This was certainly the case in Manchester, where Poetry Nation (founded by Michael Schmidt and C. B. Cox in 1973, relaunched in 1976 as PN Review and still going strong) was published twice a year on a fraction of the New Review's budget and at almost twice the cover price. (PN's Arts Council subsidy in 1976/7: £2,100.) It was unremittingly hostile to the New Review and its Editor. Alan Munton depicted them as belonging to a decaying line in bourgeois humanism and Donald Davie questioned why a putsch on the London literary scene could never be mounted by literary-minded students from red-brick universities such as (say) Manchester, challenging the "Oxbridge stranglehold on our literary life". A "plague on both their houses" editorial denounced both "the unformed rhetorical gesture, the unwholesome poem, the sterile poetics" of the Poetry Society and the "small minded" coterie running the New Review. The animosity was still evident shortly after Hamilton's death late in 2001, when in a vinegary letter to this paper Schmidt, the Editor of PN Review, claimed that Hamilton's priorities had shifted from the Review's critical seriousness to the extended "literary profiles" and author features of its successor, "displacing steak with sizzle", his poetical perspectives becoming narrower as his influence grew. "He was reading lives", said Schmidt, "and that is how he spent the rest of his life."
Even if this was the case, it was no bad thing, because what Hamilton referred to wryly as his "so-called literary life" amounts to an impressive bibliography. Following the collapse of the New Review he published superb biographies of Robert Lowell (1982), J. D. Salinger (1988) and Matthew Arnold (1998). There were also brilliant studies of literary estates (Keepers of the Flame, 1992) and poetic reputations (Against Oblivion: Some lives of the twentieth-century poets, published posthumously in 2002); several collections of essays and reviews, twenty-six episodes as writer and presenter of BBC2's Bookmark and many high-profile editorships, including The Faber Book of Football and the Oxford Companion to Twentieth-Century Poetry in English. Add to this a huge amount of intelligent journalism, some of the century's finest lyric poetry and two of the best literary magazines ever published: it amounts to a solid and enduring legacy.
Hamilton was reluctant even to upgrade his Adler Gabriele 25 semi-portable manual typewriter to an electronic version, and would not be at home in today's online publishing world. A website dedicated to his life and work (www.ianhamilton.org) ensures his presence on the internet, but his absence in the real world as a poet, biographer, critic and cultural arbiter is keenly felt.
The Times Literary Supplement – an occasional series of readings: Tap here to listen to Alan Jenkins introduce and read a selection of poems written by Ian Hamilton.
Saturday, 15 March 2014
Undogmatic Manto
Undogmatic Manto
Bombay, 1955
Book Details
Saadat Hasan Manto
BOMBAY STORIES
Translated by Matt Reeck and Aftab Ahmad
336pp. Vintage Books. Paperback, £8.99.
978 0 099 58289 2
The Urdu writer Saadat Hasan Manto's stories of empowered and oppressed women – and the tragedies of Partition
HIRSH SAWHNEY
The Urdu writer Saadat Hasan Manto wrote penetrative short stories about India's tragic Partition in 1947, an event defined by mass murder, rape and forced migration. Though Manto was born a Muslim, these stories are distinctly non-partisan, indicting individuals from all of South Asia's political groups and religious communities, and also British imperialists, whose hasty flight from the subcontinent had cataclysmic consequences. Some of these tales, such as the well-known "Toba Tek Singh", use satire to convey the political absurdity of Partition, which turned friends and neighbours into enemies overnight, whereas stories such as "Cold Meat" tackle the brutality head-on. In this latter tale, which prompted the postcolonial Pakistani government to prosecute Manto for obscenity, a Sikh man returns home after several days of looting and murdering. The sight of his voluptuous wife arouses him, and he tries to make love to her. But he can't get an erection. His sexually frustrated wife grows suspicious that he's been cheating, and stabs him. While the man bleeds to death, he admits to having raped a girl during the chaos, but his confession doesn't end there: it transpires that this beautiful girl was actually a corpse and that the man inadvertently committed an act of necrophilia.
Though Manto's stark Partition stories are his most celebrated and frequently anthologized, he wrote prolifically and worked in a variety of genres during his short life. Between his birth in undivided India in 1912 and his death in 1955 in Pakistan, he churned out hundreds of short stories, radio plays and screenplays, and translated various European authors, including Victor Hugo, into Urdu. Towards the end of his life, disillusioned with Partition and in and out of a mental asylum for his alcoholism, he wrote a series of "Letters to Uncle Sam", farcical yet astute essays about international politics and post-war neo-imperialism.
Manto grew up in Amritsar and was a boy during the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in 1919, when hundreds of non-violent protesters against the colonial government were murdered – an event that had a huge impact on him. He was deeply anti-colonial as a young writer, and his experiences with censorship doubtless hardened these sentiments. The British Indian government threw him in jail for his allegedly incendiary translation of an Oscar Wilde play, and later prosecuted him for obscenity because of his bold sexual aesthetics. In Bombay Stories, the newly translated anthology of Manto's short fiction, the author's resentment of colonial rule is discernible in the background. The protagonist of "Smell" laments being barred from British-only brothels because of his skin colour, and in "Janaki", the narrator deplores the paucity of penicillin in India compared to its abundance in England and America. But what is more apparent in this collection is Manto's distaste for dogmas of any kind. He tells the tale of a strait-laced middle-class Muslim who reviles prostitution but then impregnates a prostitute and contemplates murdering their child. He depicts a Marxist feminist succumbing to her own lascivious desires even though she has recently uttered a moralistic diatribe against sex workers.
These tales were written over the course of more than a decade, both before and after Partition, and are collected here, newly translated, in a single volume for the first time. Not all of them are perfectly crafted. Manto rarely edited his work and his writing sometimes suffers for it. But these stories contain memorable characters and plots, and they unveil difficult social and psychological truths about life in the modern world. Manto casts a spotlight on Bombay's darker corners, neighbourhoods "dotted with garbage heaps that served as an open toilet". His Bombay is highly cosmopolitan, inhabited by individuals who revere Marlene Dietrich's Hollywood beauty as well as the great Urdu poet Ghalib. Some are boozehound writers trying to make their way in the city's nascent film industry, and a fictionalized version of Manto himself makes several cameo appearances. In such first-person narratives, the author lapses into playful, self-referential musings on the art of storytelling.
Most of the characters here are in some way connected to prostitution, a profession that proliferated in the lawless, ramshackle slums around Bombay's textile factories at the time. The eponymous protagonist of "Khushiya", for example, is a pimp who spends his evenings chewing paan near an auto supply shop. One night, he is perturbed after an interaction with Kanta, one of his prostitutes. When he went to check on Kanta earlier in the day, she answered the door naked and blithely invited him in for tea ("What's the big deal? It's just my Khushiya"). Mulling it over, Khushiya is unnerved by this brazen display, not least because she felt she could make it without eliciting a reaction from him. "She should have been a little ashamed!" he thinks. "She should have blushed a little!" He comes to the conclusion that "his masculine dignity had been affronted", and rushes away from his street corner to put Kanta in her place.
"Khushiya" is emblematic of Manto's work in that it is an anecdotal and ruminative character-driven sketch that gives rise to an unexpected and suspenseful climax. It demonstrates how repressed feelings of desire and culpability can drive individuals to viciousness. And it gives a good example of Matt Reeck and Aftab Ahmad's dynamic translations. Throughout this collection, the pair preserve Manto's quirks, and even his flaws. In some cases, they imbue his descriptive imagery with a gracefulness that is absent from some previous translations: Kanta's body "was as tight as hide stretched taut across a drumhead" (formerly, "Her skin was taut like skin over a drum"). Dialogue and interior thoughts are rendered into a contemporary idiomatic English. For example, the Urdu expression "Isme harz hi kya hai"– literally, "what is the problem with that?" – becomes "What's the big deal?" In a previous translation, the phrase, "par uska ek roan bhi na kampkampaya tha" – literally, "that not a single one of her hairs quivered" – appeared as "but [Kanta] had not shown the least nervousness". Reeck and Ahmad give it a sleeker and more colloquial edge: "but she didn't so much as bat an eyelash".
Like "Khushiya", the atmospheric story "Smell" explores the impact of lust and longing on a person's psyche. The protagonist here, the upper-class Randhir, can't get over a passionate tryst he once had with a worker from a nearby rope factory. He remains beguiled by the scent of this woman's body, which was "like the pleasing aroma that dirt gives off after you sprinkle it with water" and "as real and old as the story of men and women itself". Such descriptions have prompted some critics to label Manto an exoticizer of poverty and women, or a misogynist, and a few of his stories certainly contain simplistic or stereotypical descriptions of women. His female characters nag, or play the coquette, and they are often dependent on men for their redemption. But Manto is just as mocking of men. Though he undoubtedly internalized some of the prejudices of his era, his work seeks to expose society's rigid gender and class boundaries, and his female characters are often empowered and transgressive. Some of his women drink and smoke pot while others vocalize their sexual needs. In "Mozelle", a sexually voracious Jewish woman is a vamp. But she is also courageous, and it is her rejection of traditional values that enables her to protect a conservative Sikh couple from deadly communal violence. Manto's forward-looking views on gender are evident in this book's appendix, which contains some of his polemical non-fiction essays. In one of these, he objects to the fact that "men control society and take advantage of their power". A woman, on the other hand, "no longer remains a woman if she succumbs even once to a youthful desire or some other impulse . . . . She's viewed with contempt and hatred, and doors close for her that would remain open for men".
Saugandhi from "The Insult" is one of this collection's most fully realized female characters. She is a prostitute who lives in a room with a parrot and a dog and sleeps with mid-level Indian officials employed by the colonial government. She is friendly and generous, using her earnings to aid a recently widowed neighbour. Her favourite customer is Madho, a police constable whose dreamy ideas brighten up her days. But Madho is a fraud. He extracts money from Saugandhi instead of paying for her services. One night, Saugandhi gets dolled up to meet a rich client who sizes her up and rejects her: "She felt as though someone was pressing his thumb against her ribs, as you press your thumb into a sheep or goat to see if there is any meat beneath the hair". Saugandhi's distress pushes her to end things with Madho, a seemingly empowering action, but at the end of the story, she remains isolated and trapped. There can be no easy redemption for this poverty-stricken character in such a stratified and oppressive world.
Stories like this offer an unflinching look at the disparities that defined Manto's India. Matt Reeck and Aftab Ahmad's inspired new translations reaffirm the timelessness of Manto's prose and revitalize it for a new generation of English-language readers.
Bombay, 1955
Book Details
Saadat Hasan Manto
BOMBAY STORIES
Translated by Matt Reeck and Aftab Ahmad
336pp. Vintage Books. Paperback, £8.99.
978 0 099 58289 2
The Urdu writer Saadat Hasan Manto's stories of empowered and oppressed women – and the tragedies of Partition
HIRSH SAWHNEY
The Urdu writer Saadat Hasan Manto wrote penetrative short stories about India's tragic Partition in 1947, an event defined by mass murder, rape and forced migration. Though Manto was born a Muslim, these stories are distinctly non-partisan, indicting individuals from all of South Asia's political groups and religious communities, and also British imperialists, whose hasty flight from the subcontinent had cataclysmic consequences. Some of these tales, such as the well-known "Toba Tek Singh", use satire to convey the political absurdity of Partition, which turned friends and neighbours into enemies overnight, whereas stories such as "Cold Meat" tackle the brutality head-on. In this latter tale, which prompted the postcolonial Pakistani government to prosecute Manto for obscenity, a Sikh man returns home after several days of looting and murdering. The sight of his voluptuous wife arouses him, and he tries to make love to her. But he can't get an erection. His sexually frustrated wife grows suspicious that he's been cheating, and stabs him. While the man bleeds to death, he admits to having raped a girl during the chaos, but his confession doesn't end there: it transpires that this beautiful girl was actually a corpse and that the man inadvertently committed an act of necrophilia.
Though Manto's stark Partition stories are his most celebrated and frequently anthologized, he wrote prolifically and worked in a variety of genres during his short life. Between his birth in undivided India in 1912 and his death in 1955 in Pakistan, he churned out hundreds of short stories, radio plays and screenplays, and translated various European authors, including Victor Hugo, into Urdu. Towards the end of his life, disillusioned with Partition and in and out of a mental asylum for his alcoholism, he wrote a series of "Letters to Uncle Sam", farcical yet astute essays about international politics and post-war neo-imperialism.
Manto grew up in Amritsar and was a boy during the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in 1919, when hundreds of non-violent protesters against the colonial government were murdered – an event that had a huge impact on him. He was deeply anti-colonial as a young writer, and his experiences with censorship doubtless hardened these sentiments. The British Indian government threw him in jail for his allegedly incendiary translation of an Oscar Wilde play, and later prosecuted him for obscenity because of his bold sexual aesthetics. In Bombay Stories, the newly translated anthology of Manto's short fiction, the author's resentment of colonial rule is discernible in the background. The protagonist of "Smell" laments being barred from British-only brothels because of his skin colour, and in "Janaki", the narrator deplores the paucity of penicillin in India compared to its abundance in England and America. But what is more apparent in this collection is Manto's distaste for dogmas of any kind. He tells the tale of a strait-laced middle-class Muslim who reviles prostitution but then impregnates a prostitute and contemplates murdering their child. He depicts a Marxist feminist succumbing to her own lascivious desires even though she has recently uttered a moralistic diatribe against sex workers.
These tales were written over the course of more than a decade, both before and after Partition, and are collected here, newly translated, in a single volume for the first time. Not all of them are perfectly crafted. Manto rarely edited his work and his writing sometimes suffers for it. But these stories contain memorable characters and plots, and they unveil difficult social and psychological truths about life in the modern world. Manto casts a spotlight on Bombay's darker corners, neighbourhoods "dotted with garbage heaps that served as an open toilet". His Bombay is highly cosmopolitan, inhabited by individuals who revere Marlene Dietrich's Hollywood beauty as well as the great Urdu poet Ghalib. Some are boozehound writers trying to make their way in the city's nascent film industry, and a fictionalized version of Manto himself makes several cameo appearances. In such first-person narratives, the author lapses into playful, self-referential musings on the art of storytelling.
Most of the characters here are in some way connected to prostitution, a profession that proliferated in the lawless, ramshackle slums around Bombay's textile factories at the time. The eponymous protagonist of "Khushiya", for example, is a pimp who spends his evenings chewing paan near an auto supply shop. One night, he is perturbed after an interaction with Kanta, one of his prostitutes. When he went to check on Kanta earlier in the day, she answered the door naked and blithely invited him in for tea ("What's the big deal? It's just my Khushiya"). Mulling it over, Khushiya is unnerved by this brazen display, not least because she felt she could make it without eliciting a reaction from him. "She should have been a little ashamed!" he thinks. "She should have blushed a little!" He comes to the conclusion that "his masculine dignity had been affronted", and rushes away from his street corner to put Kanta in her place.
"Khushiya" is emblematic of Manto's work in that it is an anecdotal and ruminative character-driven sketch that gives rise to an unexpected and suspenseful climax. It demonstrates how repressed feelings of desire and culpability can drive individuals to viciousness. And it gives a good example of Matt Reeck and Aftab Ahmad's dynamic translations. Throughout this collection, the pair preserve Manto's quirks, and even his flaws. In some cases, they imbue his descriptive imagery with a gracefulness that is absent from some previous translations: Kanta's body "was as tight as hide stretched taut across a drumhead" (formerly, "Her skin was taut like skin over a drum"). Dialogue and interior thoughts are rendered into a contemporary idiomatic English. For example, the Urdu expression "Isme harz hi kya hai"– literally, "what is the problem with that?" – becomes "What's the big deal?" In a previous translation, the phrase, "par uska ek roan bhi na kampkampaya tha" – literally, "that not a single one of her hairs quivered" – appeared as "but [Kanta] had not shown the least nervousness". Reeck and Ahmad give it a sleeker and more colloquial edge: "but she didn't so much as bat an eyelash".
Like "Khushiya", the atmospheric story "Smell" explores the impact of lust and longing on a person's psyche. The protagonist here, the upper-class Randhir, can't get over a passionate tryst he once had with a worker from a nearby rope factory. He remains beguiled by the scent of this woman's body, which was "like the pleasing aroma that dirt gives off after you sprinkle it with water" and "as real and old as the story of men and women itself". Such descriptions have prompted some critics to label Manto an exoticizer of poverty and women, or a misogynist, and a few of his stories certainly contain simplistic or stereotypical descriptions of women. His female characters nag, or play the coquette, and they are often dependent on men for their redemption. But Manto is just as mocking of men. Though he undoubtedly internalized some of the prejudices of his era, his work seeks to expose society's rigid gender and class boundaries, and his female characters are often empowered and transgressive. Some of his women drink and smoke pot while others vocalize their sexual needs. In "Mozelle", a sexually voracious Jewish woman is a vamp. But she is also courageous, and it is her rejection of traditional values that enables her to protect a conservative Sikh couple from deadly communal violence. Manto's forward-looking views on gender are evident in this book's appendix, which contains some of his polemical non-fiction essays. In one of these, he objects to the fact that "men control society and take advantage of their power". A woman, on the other hand, "no longer remains a woman if she succumbs even once to a youthful desire or some other impulse . . . . She's viewed with contempt and hatred, and doors close for her that would remain open for men".
Saugandhi from "The Insult" is one of this collection's most fully realized female characters. She is a prostitute who lives in a room with a parrot and a dog and sleeps with mid-level Indian officials employed by the colonial government. She is friendly and generous, using her earnings to aid a recently widowed neighbour. Her favourite customer is Madho, a police constable whose dreamy ideas brighten up her days. But Madho is a fraud. He extracts money from Saugandhi instead of paying for her services. One night, Saugandhi gets dolled up to meet a rich client who sizes her up and rejects her: "She felt as though someone was pressing his thumb against her ribs, as you press your thumb into a sheep or goat to see if there is any meat beneath the hair". Saugandhi's distress pushes her to end things with Madho, a seemingly empowering action, but at the end of the story, she remains isolated and trapped. There can be no easy redemption for this poverty-stricken character in such a stratified and oppressive world.
Stories like this offer an unflinching look at the disparities that defined Manto's India. Matt Reeck and Aftab Ahmad's inspired new translations reaffirm the timelessness of Manto's prose and revitalize it for a new generation of English-language readers.
Gandhi and Socrates
Gandhi and Socrates
W. V. HARRIS
Phiroze Vasunia
THE CLASSICS AND COLONIAL INDIA
416pp. Oxford University Press. £85.
978 0 19 920323 9
"They fatten on the exploitation of the many. But there is one other strong resemblance between the Romans and the English people – they are both singularly devoid of imagination!" So wrote Jawaharlal Nehru (educated at Harrow, Cambridge and the Inner Temple) while in prison in 1934. Yet it depends what you mean by imagination; it might be argued, for example, that there can be no empire-building without imagination. And two immense imperial conquests from prior ages took hold of the imagination of the more educated among the British rulers of India, and made an impression on educated Indians, too – the eastern excursions of Alexander of Macedon and, more importantly, the imperialism of Rome.
How the classical works that discuss these two empires resonated with, and served the interests of, the British imperial rulers – but also sometimes of their opponents, both domestic and Indian – is the subject of Phiroze Vasunia's enjoyably informative book, The Classics and Colonial India. As an Indian with a doctorate in classics, who has now been resident in Britain for several years, he is admirably equipped to write it. But what raises it to a high level is the author's fine sense of historical context and his ability to summon up the right degree of detachment. The book ends with a proud chapter about Gandhi and Nehru (both of whom were, as it happens, knowledgeable about Roman history), but at the same time he recognizes, for instance, Gandhi's "excess of national self-pride". And the British, even when expressing a sense of ineffable superiority over their Indian subjects, are treated with forbearance.
From John Seeley to James Bryce and Evelyn Baring, the moulders of Victorian and Edwardian opinion about the British Empire harped on the Roman imperial precedent. Partly, one may suppose, this was to soothe the uneasy feelings that sometimes accompanied their sense of mission. Vasunia quotes the famous words of Charles Napier: "We have no right to seize Scinde, yet we shall do so, and a very advantageous, useful, humane piece of rascality it will be". In the same spirit Bryce wrote that "the government of India by the English resembles that of her provinces by Rome in being thoroughly despotic", and though he claimed that it was a justified and benevolent despotism, the word, or rather the fact, certainly generated unease. The correlate of the ancient despotes, as Bryce knew very well, is the slave.
But that saying of Napier's points to a serious obstacle in the way of Vasunia's project: the Britons who conquered and ruled India in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries had other aims in mind a great deal more urgent than emulating the Romans. Most obviously, they sought profits and jobs – still a consideration when Cyril Fielding is explaining his presence in India to Dr Aziz and his friends in A Passage to India. And – to a degree that is now hard to imagine – many also wanted to spread Christianity. Even the radical Shelley thought that the missionaries could be the source of "beneficial innovations" in India, as Vasunia points out. And some think that it was militarism itself that drove the British forward.
Such topics are not to Vasunia's taste – he is above all a scholar of literature, Greek, Latin, Gujarati, Bengali. But the virtual absence from The Classics and Colonial India of the real motive forces of British rule produces a certain imbalance. To understand Seeley, Bryce and Baring, and also the avant-la-lettre nationalists, it is essential to study the soldiers, too, a number of whom wrote revealing memoirs. Vasunia does not mention "Roberts of Kandahar", but Roberts's long-winded book Forty-One Years in India: From subaltern to commander-in-chief is a valuable counterweight to the effusions of Seeley, who never left Europe.
There is, however, much for a British reader to learn from Vasunia's discussion of nineteenth-century Gujarati and Bengali writers who were enthralled by the Greek and Roman classics. The most extraordinary of these figures was perhaps the precocious Calcutta poet Henry Derozio (partly Indian, partly Portuguese and partly English), who, before dying of cholera at the age of twenty-two in 1831, showed what might happen when a patriotic Indian – for that was his identity – was swept off his feet by the Greco-Orientalism of Byron and Shelley. Derozio was prolific and polished and an inspiration to Bengalis who came afterwards; and he equated the Persians defeated at Marathon with the hated Muslims.
A large part of the trouble, from the point of view of British power, was that the acculturation of Indians inevitably brought with it a wider idea of freedom than the Romans ever preached or practised. In addition, the rulers would probably have been well advised to imitate the Romans by bringing Indians into the real circles of power faster than they did (only twentyseven of the 528 men who entered the Indian Civil between 1904 and 1913 were Indian); but it is hardly surprising, given the racism then prevalent in Europe, that it did not happen. George Nathaniel Curzon – admittedly not a representative Briton or the most intelligent of viceroys – was horrified that "the superior wits of the Native" were allowing Indians to gain a foothold in government.
Later, the Government of India Act of 1919 introduced a system of "dyarchy", much talked of (at least by the British) for the next twenty years. Here Vasunia might have detected a genuine echo of Roman history, since it was in effect Theodor Mommsen's famous history of Rome that had introduced the concept of dyarchy, applying it to the supposed division of power between the emperor Augustus and the Senate.
Vasunia does not deal systematically with the way in which the ideology of empire coloured scholarly interpretations of ancient history. He sees that the long-authoritative view of Alexander of Macedon taken by W. W. Tarn (1869–1957) was partly inspired by his perception of contemporary imperialism, but that is a familiar tale. Idealizing, disingenuous and downright blinkered claims about what the nineteenth-century British were up to in India and elsewhere (Seeley is one of the main culprits) had a much deeper and more long-lasting effect on the historiography of Roman imperialism, and it can still be felt. This is no simple story, since some of the most influential historians in question were, or are, not British but German, French or American; but it is a certainly a classic case of history, ideology and intellectual fashion interacting, and worthy of attention.
The main impact of the classics on Gandhi might be said to be moral: he took Socrates as an exemplar of fortitude in the face of oppression, depicting him as a satyagrahi who undertook the improvement of his own people. Nehru's respect for the Greek classics was a more complex affair, embracing Attic tragedy and anti-democratic Plato. As for the ICS administrators who had read Greats, how did the classics really affect them, how did studying Greece and Rome really impinge on their gentlemanly upbringing? Were the effects on them mainly moral rather than intellectual in any strict sense? Vasunia leaves the question open, understandably.
W. V. HARRIS
Phiroze Vasunia
THE CLASSICS AND COLONIAL INDIA
416pp. Oxford University Press. £85.
978 0 19 920323 9
"They fatten on the exploitation of the many. But there is one other strong resemblance between the Romans and the English people – they are both singularly devoid of imagination!" So wrote Jawaharlal Nehru (educated at Harrow, Cambridge and the Inner Temple) while in prison in 1934. Yet it depends what you mean by imagination; it might be argued, for example, that there can be no empire-building without imagination. And two immense imperial conquests from prior ages took hold of the imagination of the more educated among the British rulers of India, and made an impression on educated Indians, too – the eastern excursions of Alexander of Macedon and, more importantly, the imperialism of Rome.
How the classical works that discuss these two empires resonated with, and served the interests of, the British imperial rulers – but also sometimes of their opponents, both domestic and Indian – is the subject of Phiroze Vasunia's enjoyably informative book, The Classics and Colonial India. As an Indian with a doctorate in classics, who has now been resident in Britain for several years, he is admirably equipped to write it. But what raises it to a high level is the author's fine sense of historical context and his ability to summon up the right degree of detachment. The book ends with a proud chapter about Gandhi and Nehru (both of whom were, as it happens, knowledgeable about Roman history), but at the same time he recognizes, for instance, Gandhi's "excess of national self-pride". And the British, even when expressing a sense of ineffable superiority over their Indian subjects, are treated with forbearance.
From John Seeley to James Bryce and Evelyn Baring, the moulders of Victorian and Edwardian opinion about the British Empire harped on the Roman imperial precedent. Partly, one may suppose, this was to soothe the uneasy feelings that sometimes accompanied their sense of mission. Vasunia quotes the famous words of Charles Napier: "We have no right to seize Scinde, yet we shall do so, and a very advantageous, useful, humane piece of rascality it will be". In the same spirit Bryce wrote that "the government of India by the English resembles that of her provinces by Rome in being thoroughly despotic", and though he claimed that it was a justified and benevolent despotism, the word, or rather the fact, certainly generated unease. The correlate of the ancient despotes, as Bryce knew very well, is the slave.
But that saying of Napier's points to a serious obstacle in the way of Vasunia's project: the Britons who conquered and ruled India in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries had other aims in mind a great deal more urgent than emulating the Romans. Most obviously, they sought profits and jobs – still a consideration when Cyril Fielding is explaining his presence in India to Dr Aziz and his friends in A Passage to India. And – to a degree that is now hard to imagine – many also wanted to spread Christianity. Even the radical Shelley thought that the missionaries could be the source of "beneficial innovations" in India, as Vasunia points out. And some think that it was militarism itself that drove the British forward.
Such topics are not to Vasunia's taste – he is above all a scholar of literature, Greek, Latin, Gujarati, Bengali. But the virtual absence from The Classics and Colonial India of the real motive forces of British rule produces a certain imbalance. To understand Seeley, Bryce and Baring, and also the avant-la-lettre nationalists, it is essential to study the soldiers, too, a number of whom wrote revealing memoirs. Vasunia does not mention "Roberts of Kandahar", but Roberts's long-winded book Forty-One Years in India: From subaltern to commander-in-chief is a valuable counterweight to the effusions of Seeley, who never left Europe.
There is, however, much for a British reader to learn from Vasunia's discussion of nineteenth-century Gujarati and Bengali writers who were enthralled by the Greek and Roman classics. The most extraordinary of these figures was perhaps the precocious Calcutta poet Henry Derozio (partly Indian, partly Portuguese and partly English), who, before dying of cholera at the age of twenty-two in 1831, showed what might happen when a patriotic Indian – for that was his identity – was swept off his feet by the Greco-Orientalism of Byron and Shelley. Derozio was prolific and polished and an inspiration to Bengalis who came afterwards; and he equated the Persians defeated at Marathon with the hated Muslims.
A large part of the trouble, from the point of view of British power, was that the acculturation of Indians inevitably brought with it a wider idea of freedom than the Romans ever preached or practised. In addition, the rulers would probably have been well advised to imitate the Romans by bringing Indians into the real circles of power faster than they did (only twentyseven of the 528 men who entered the Indian Civil between 1904 and 1913 were Indian); but it is hardly surprising, given the racism then prevalent in Europe, that it did not happen. George Nathaniel Curzon – admittedly not a representative Briton or the most intelligent of viceroys – was horrified that "the superior wits of the Native" were allowing Indians to gain a foothold in government.
Later, the Government of India Act of 1919 introduced a system of "dyarchy", much talked of (at least by the British) for the next twenty years. Here Vasunia might have detected a genuine echo of Roman history, since it was in effect Theodor Mommsen's famous history of Rome that had introduced the concept of dyarchy, applying it to the supposed division of power between the emperor Augustus and the Senate.
Vasunia does not deal systematically with the way in which the ideology of empire coloured scholarly interpretations of ancient history. He sees that the long-authoritative view of Alexander of Macedon taken by W. W. Tarn (1869–1957) was partly inspired by his perception of contemporary imperialism, but that is a familiar tale. Idealizing, disingenuous and downright blinkered claims about what the nineteenth-century British were up to in India and elsewhere (Seeley is one of the main culprits) had a much deeper and more long-lasting effect on the historiography of Roman imperialism, and it can still be felt. This is no simple story, since some of the most influential historians in question were, or are, not British but German, French or American; but it is a certainly a classic case of history, ideology and intellectual fashion interacting, and worthy of attention.
The main impact of the classics on Gandhi might be said to be moral: he took Socrates as an exemplar of fortitude in the face of oppression, depicting him as a satyagrahi who undertook the improvement of his own people. Nehru's respect for the Greek classics was a more complex affair, embracing Attic tragedy and anti-democratic Plato. As for the ICS administrators who had read Greats, how did the classics really affect them, how did studying Greece and Rome really impinge on their gentlemanly upbringing? Were the effects on them mainly moral rather than intellectual in any strict sense? Vasunia leaves the question open, understandably.
Orwell’s rebellious patriotism
Orwell's rebellious patriotism
CALUM MECHIE
Robert Colls
GEORGE ORWELL
English rebel
356pp. Oxford University Press. £25 (US $34.95).
978 0 19 968080 1
George Orwell loved things. He had "a sort of belly-to-earth attitude" and believed in "the surface of the earth". He loved tools. From the old .44 Winchester with which he shot the elephant, to the bayonet issued him by the Home Guard and the spade with which he dug his potatoes, Orwell was always putting things to use. He also loved his country. "I am a patriot after all"; "I believe in England". These are facts about Orwell (he loved facts too) and they are related: Englishness, Robert Colls writes at the start of George Orwell: English rebel, "was something that he thought with". After decades of what John Rodden has called "the making and claiming of Saint George Orwell", Colls's intervention – where Orwell's Englishness is an activity, a process – is welcome.
Orwell has become a stable symbol of a certain type of Englishness. In 1992, John Major declared himself Prime Minister of a nation of "long shadows on county cricket grounds, warm beer, invincible green suburbs, dog lovers and – as George Orwell said – old maids bicycling to Holy Communion through the morning mist". But Orwell's England was never stable. His "old maid" appears in The Lion and the Unicorn as "a characteristic fragment of the English scene" alongside, for example, "the queues outside the Labour Exchanges". The essay, a patriotic paean to Socialism and the English Genius, ends with the declaration that "patriotism has nothing to do with Conservativism. It is actually the opposite of Conservativism, since it is a devotion to something that is always changing and yet is felt to be mystically the same". Major kept quiet about that. His stable national identity has no room for Orwell's fluidity; Colls, who wants to understand Orwell through "Englishness" rather than define England through "Orwell", embraces it. Colls's Orwell is not a saint; he is "the best and worst political commentator on the scene".
Colls argues that Orwell's employment of "the dialectics of England-changed and England-still-the-same" is typically English, a critical practice rooted in Walter Bagehot's The English Constitution (1867). The identification of this convention and its nineteenth-century origin is canny. Orwell identifies England by its past, and by its people. He thinks that a nation's history happens at different rates for its different people. "The common man is still living in the mental world of Dickens, but nearly every modern intellectual has gone over to some or other form of totalitarianism", he wrote in "Charles Dickens": England has changed, and stayed the same. Orwell's essay on Dickens is, with its amateurish tone, evidence of his nineteenth-century sensibility. Orwell reads Dickens like his first readers did, compelled by his personality. He insists that he, too, is part of that mental world. He is with the common people and, since he is "a degenerate modern semi-intellectual", this is a form of rebellion – English rebellion.
Some of Colls's conclusions are suspect. His claim that "Orwell found an England to believe in" while "down the mine" in Wigan seems too neat. The suggestion that, after "converting" to his country, Orwell learned "to take things as he found them – the good and the bad, the past and the present, the left and the right" seems too generous. This account is perhaps over-influenced by the Orwell/Blair dichotomy, a convention of Orwell criticism made orthodox by Raymond Williams. All public intellectuals create their identities, just as they create their publics, or their nations.
Insisting on the interrelation of Englishness and rebelliousness within the Orwell persona, however, Colls is spot on. Rebelliousness was a mark of authenticity for Orwell. It suggested honesty; it often signified style. It even meant Englishness. "My Country Right or Left", the essay in which he first declared for England, is also a call for armed revolution: "when the red militias are billeted in the Ritz I shall still feel that the England I was taught to love so long ago for such different reasons is somehow persisting". Orwell thought the war could be won by bloody revolution. "Preposterous", Robert Colls rightly remarks; but patriotic, too. In a time where, under a lion and a unicorn of its own, the Daily Mail can accuse a man of hating Britain because he once called "the Englishman" a nationalist, an elegant and eloquent reminder that George Orwell loved his country rebelliously is both timely and necessary.
CALUM MECHIE
Robert Colls
GEORGE ORWELL
English rebel
356pp. Oxford University Press. £25 (US $34.95).
978 0 19 968080 1
George Orwell loved things. He had "a sort of belly-to-earth attitude" and believed in "the surface of the earth". He loved tools. From the old .44 Winchester with which he shot the elephant, to the bayonet issued him by the Home Guard and the spade with which he dug his potatoes, Orwell was always putting things to use. He also loved his country. "I am a patriot after all"; "I believe in England". These are facts about Orwell (he loved facts too) and they are related: Englishness, Robert Colls writes at the start of George Orwell: English rebel, "was something that he thought with". After decades of what John Rodden has called "the making and claiming of Saint George Orwell", Colls's intervention – where Orwell's Englishness is an activity, a process – is welcome.
Orwell has become a stable symbol of a certain type of Englishness. In 1992, John Major declared himself Prime Minister of a nation of "long shadows on county cricket grounds, warm beer, invincible green suburbs, dog lovers and – as George Orwell said – old maids bicycling to Holy Communion through the morning mist". But Orwell's England was never stable. His "old maid" appears in The Lion and the Unicorn as "a characteristic fragment of the English scene" alongside, for example, "the queues outside the Labour Exchanges". The essay, a patriotic paean to Socialism and the English Genius, ends with the declaration that "patriotism has nothing to do with Conservativism. It is actually the opposite of Conservativism, since it is a devotion to something that is always changing and yet is felt to be mystically the same". Major kept quiet about that. His stable national identity has no room for Orwell's fluidity; Colls, who wants to understand Orwell through "Englishness" rather than define England through "Orwell", embraces it. Colls's Orwell is not a saint; he is "the best and worst political commentator on the scene".
Colls argues that Orwell's employment of "the dialectics of England-changed and England-still-the-same" is typically English, a critical practice rooted in Walter Bagehot's The English Constitution (1867). The identification of this convention and its nineteenth-century origin is canny. Orwell identifies England by its past, and by its people. He thinks that a nation's history happens at different rates for its different people. "The common man is still living in the mental world of Dickens, but nearly every modern intellectual has gone over to some or other form of totalitarianism", he wrote in "Charles Dickens": England has changed, and stayed the same. Orwell's essay on Dickens is, with its amateurish tone, evidence of his nineteenth-century sensibility. Orwell reads Dickens like his first readers did, compelled by his personality. He insists that he, too, is part of that mental world. He is with the common people and, since he is "a degenerate modern semi-intellectual", this is a form of rebellion – English rebellion.
Some of Colls's conclusions are suspect. His claim that "Orwell found an England to believe in" while "down the mine" in Wigan seems too neat. The suggestion that, after "converting" to his country, Orwell learned "to take things as he found them – the good and the bad, the past and the present, the left and the right" seems too generous. This account is perhaps over-influenced by the Orwell/Blair dichotomy, a convention of Orwell criticism made orthodox by Raymond Williams. All public intellectuals create their identities, just as they create their publics, or their nations.
Insisting on the interrelation of Englishness and rebelliousness within the Orwell persona, however, Colls is spot on. Rebelliousness was a mark of authenticity for Orwell. It suggested honesty; it often signified style. It even meant Englishness. "My Country Right or Left", the essay in which he first declared for England, is also a call for armed revolution: "when the red militias are billeted in the Ritz I shall still feel that the England I was taught to love so long ago for such different reasons is somehow persisting". Orwell thought the war could be won by bloody revolution. "Preposterous", Robert Colls rightly remarks; but patriotic, too. In a time where, under a lion and a unicorn of its own, the Daily Mail can accuse a man of hating Britain because he once called "the Englishman" a nationalist, an elegant and eloquent reminder that George Orwell loved his country rebelliously is both timely and necessary.
The Wordsworth women
The Wordsworth women
NICHOLAS ROE
Lucy Newlyn
WILLIAM AND DOROTHY WORDSWORTH
All in each other
386pp. Oxford University Press. £19.99 (US $34.95).
978 0 19 969639 0
Katie Waldegrave
THE POETS' DAUGHTERS
Dora Wordsworth and Sara Coleridge
416pp. Hutchinson. £25.
978 0 09 193112 4
Ten years after the publication of Lyrical Ballads, all was not well in the "demi-paradise" of Grasmere. Coleridge occupied a solitary room in William and Mary Wordsworth's house, Allan Bank. Sarah, his wife, lived with their children at Greta Hall, Keswick, the home of Robert Southey and his wife Edith (Sarah's sister). At Greta Hall, there were sunny outlooks, books, cats, food and a welcome for visitors; in this hospitable house Coleridge's daughter, Sara, grew up. Over at Allan Bank, the Wordsworths endured chimneys that smoked into the rooms and soot-blackened walls. Their unvarying diet of porridge had already driven visitors such as Walter Scott to the village inn, where Coleridge bought the brandy he needed to make laudanum. Obsessively in love with Mary Wordsworth's sister, Coleridge was overweight, demanding, quarrelsome, drunk or stupefied. In short, no longer fun. While the poets' friendship disintegrated, Wordsworth's four-year-old daughter Dora and her brother John came under the eye of another resident at Allan Bank. This was Wordsworth's sister, the children's "Aunt Dorothy". To Aunt Dorothy, Dora appeared too "wild" and in need of "taming"; little John, who had learning difficulties, Aunt Dorothy described as "the greatest Dunce in England".
In William and Dorothy Wordsworth: All in each other, Lucy Newlyn acknowledges "emotional tensions" at Allan Bank, and considers the impact of the deaths of the Wordsworths' two youngest children, Catharine and Thomas. William got through this crisis, Newlyn tells us, thanks to the "tireless sympathy" with which sister Dorothy fulfilled her role as his nurturer. It was in April 1794 that William and Dorothy had been reunited after years of separation following their mother's death (1778) and the demise of their father (1783). In June 1778, Dorothy, aged six, was sent to be fostered by kindly Unitarian relatives in Halifax: Newlyn conjectures that this family may have been a source for her brother's poetic ideas of "One Life", and also alerts us to Dorothy's early relationship with the abolitionist William Wilberforce. The following May, her brothers William and Richard went to board at Hawkshead School.
Ousted from their family home at Cockermouth, then parted for sixteen years, William and Dorothy would grow together again through collaborative creative writings that, Newlyn claims, "were part of [their] joint work of rebuilding a family, a settled home, and a communal identity". In Newlyn's story, writing for these two resilient survivors was a form of "therapy", although William's singular, punishing struggle with his never completed philosophical poem The Recluse, and the painful physical symptoms he experienced when composing poetry, might at times have felt otherwise.
Newlyn brings formidable academic resources to her task, recalling her ground-breaking study of poetic dialogue in Coleridge, Wordsworth, and the Language of Allusion (1986). Almost thirty years on, All in each other's decisive critical move is to place Dorothy Wordsworth's journals, letters and poems in the foreground alongside her brother's writings so as to demonstrate the intricately interwoven nature of their creativity. Newlyn has an extensive scholarly knowledge of William and Dorothy's manuscripts and published texts, and her own insights are flanked by Gaston Bachelard on spaces, Freud on mourning, Heidegger and James Lovelock on ecology, Lewis Hyde and Marcel Mauss on gifts, and Oliver Sacks on therapy. William and Dorothy are able to see "more clearly what John Barrell has called 'the dark side of the landscape'". The book's most impressive aspect is Newlyn's close reading of the verbal textures of their poetry and prose. William's tactful use of the word "transplanted", for instance, is expressive of his empathy for Dorothy "who had been more suddenly uprooted"; Dorothy "peppers her prose with local usages" – "lass", "baird", "gang" – while the lyrical rhythms and "inner vision" of her journals – "hovering on the edge of verse" – might have helped her admirer, Virginia Woolf, to create "moments of being".
So thoroughgoing is Newlyn's creative intertwining of William and Dorothy, one senses it is with some reluctance she concedes that they might, at times, have been not quite so much "all-in-each-other". Towards the end of her book, awkward questions start to emerge. "Were there rivalries in the family? . . . life was not always easy in the Wordsworth household . . . inevitably, the siblings had occasional disagreements". Newlyn tells us that Dorothy "repeatedly nagged" her brother for postponing The Recluse. So, too, one suspects, little Dora had been monitored before Aunt Dorothy packed her off to Miss Weir's boarding school at Appleby.
On a hot day in August 1811, Dora was taken to the coach at Ambleside, and hoisted up to her seat. "Her heart was full at the very last moment", Dorothy wrote to another abolitionist, Catherine Clarkson, "and when two rough sailors got up and seated themselves opposite to her, she looked very much frightened". Now less than sympathetic, Dorothy called out, "Do not fear they will take care of you", and the coach rumbled away. "We were quite easy", Dora's aunt assured her correspondent, "There never was a Girl in the world who would be so easily led to industry by following others". As Katie Waldegrave notes, in early August 1811, Dora was the same age as Dorothy when she was sent away to Halifax.
If Newlyn's study offers a finely recuperative analysis, Waldegrave's brilliant biography of Dora Wordsworth and Sara Coleridge traces the fractured lives of two young women struggling with their fathers' shadows. Anorexia, depression, insomnia and drug dependency were their legacies – and so, too, was their long friendship. The Poets' Daughters begins with a brisk comparison of the women's early lives at Keswick and Grasmere: at Greta Hall, Dora enjoyed music and drawing; the more studious Sara was already a skilled classicist. Then, in April 1816, the Southeys' son died; his mother began a protracted decline, and her grief-stricken husband – now Poet Laureate – retreated to his study. Suddenly, the Keswick/Grasmere polarity was reversed. The road to Grasmere no longer led to gloomy Allan Bank but to a new Wordsworthian idyll, Rydal Mount, where both Sara and Dora, "like sisters sometimes . . . chose to become friends".
By 1821, Dora (seventeen) and Sara (nineteen) had grown into very different individuals. Sara was an acknowledged "true beauty" who had translated Martin Dobrizzhofer's Account of the Abipones, an Equestrian People of Paraguay, a five-volume page-turner written in Latin. Dora, by contrast, had apparently failed to blossom. At the Christmas dance in Ambleside, where Dora was chaperoned by Rydal matrons and "Mrs STC . . . waddling like a stuffed turkey" (Mary Wordsworth's observation), it was clear that her childhood was long past. Sensing, perhaps, that she was required to fall in with the others, she seemed already to have joined her father's "fireside divan" (John Keats's term for the poet's female attendants). Whereas Newlyn sees Dora's role at Rydal Mount as continuing "cooperative labour", Waldegrave takes a different view. Her account – it is both sensitive and unflinching – has the poet's wife and daughter slaving, year after year, at transcriptions of his poetry with Dora, trapped in an "almost impossibly stifling triangle", prevented by her obdurate father from marrying the hapless Edward Quillinan. As Waldegrave puts it, Dora seemed to be "fading out of her own story", sickly, frail, depressed, "acting as supportive bystander whilst others lived their lives". When she was finally permitted to marry Quillinan, Dora came briefly into her own as the successful author of Journals of a few Months' Residence in Portugal (1847).
Sara Coleridge had no shortage of admirers, and when "The Flower of the Lakes" visited London, she caused a sensation. It might have led to escape and a different future, but she was soon absorbed back into the family by her cousin, Henry Nelson Coleridge. Waldegrave's lively prose recreates their wedding with a bustle of silk, satin and hatboxes, Southey in a gloom, and everyone relieved that the bride's father would not be there. The marriage service was led by "England's dunce", now the Revd John Wordsworth, and everyone danced until four the next morning.
The newly weds moved to 21 Downshire Hill, Hampstead – just around the corner from Keats's Wentworth Place – and here, after the births of their first two children and the death of her father, Sara collapsed into opiated despair. Aged thirty-one, the same age at which her hopelessly addicted father had fled to Malta, she found herself, like him, "utterly trapped" by the drug. It took De Quincey's damaging biography of Coleridge (1834) and James Ferrier's article on his plagiarisms (1840) to rouse her. From then on, Waldegrave shows, "Sara began to engage honestly with the real Coleridge", finding her life's work in a vindication of her father and discovering a kind of freedom through her own poetry. What followed was Sara's extraordinary edition of her father's Biographia Literaria, published, like Dora's Journals, in 1847; it is, as Waldegrave observes, "a breathtakingly accomplished" piece of editorial scholarship, and The Poets' Daughters traces Sara's long journey towards the year when both women emerged as writers. In contrast to Newlyn's idea of collaboration in the Lakes, Waldegrave emphasizes Sara Coleridge's labour of solitary mourning – for her father, and for her husband who had died, suddenly, in January 1843, leaving her to grieve over "his cold remains in their double coffin". "I am resigned to the blackness and desolation of feeling I must go through", Sara wrote in her diary. "I must finish my journey alone."
What comes over most compellingly in The Poets' Daughters are the terrible odds that confronted Dora Wordsworth and Sara Coleridge: dysfunctional families, haphazard education, limited life options and endless oppressive illnesses – boils, chickenpox, whooping cough, convulsions, measles, rheumatism, insomnia, miscarriages, drug addiction, Pott's disease (endured by Dora) and breast cancer (suffered by Sara). "Dora's dying was an exhausting struggle" until, after making a stoical joke about her "fatness", she succumbed on July 9, 1847. Sara survived her for a further five years. Shortly before she died, she composed a brave and witty charm, "To a little lump of malignity, on being medically assured that it was not a fresh growth, but an old growth splitting: Split away, split away, / split away, split!". Life had not been easy for either of the poets' daughters. Unlike their famous fathers, aunts and uncles, however, both women strove to be fun to the end.
NICHOLAS ROE
Lucy Newlyn
WILLIAM AND DOROTHY WORDSWORTH
All in each other
386pp. Oxford University Press. £19.99 (US $34.95).
978 0 19 969639 0
Katie Waldegrave
THE POETS' DAUGHTERS
Dora Wordsworth and Sara Coleridge
416pp. Hutchinson. £25.
978 0 09 193112 4
Ten years after the publication of Lyrical Ballads, all was not well in the "demi-paradise" of Grasmere. Coleridge occupied a solitary room in William and Mary Wordsworth's house, Allan Bank. Sarah, his wife, lived with their children at Greta Hall, Keswick, the home of Robert Southey and his wife Edith (Sarah's sister). At Greta Hall, there were sunny outlooks, books, cats, food and a welcome for visitors; in this hospitable house Coleridge's daughter, Sara, grew up. Over at Allan Bank, the Wordsworths endured chimneys that smoked into the rooms and soot-blackened walls. Their unvarying diet of porridge had already driven visitors such as Walter Scott to the village inn, where Coleridge bought the brandy he needed to make laudanum. Obsessively in love with Mary Wordsworth's sister, Coleridge was overweight, demanding, quarrelsome, drunk or stupefied. In short, no longer fun. While the poets' friendship disintegrated, Wordsworth's four-year-old daughter Dora and her brother John came under the eye of another resident at Allan Bank. This was Wordsworth's sister, the children's "Aunt Dorothy". To Aunt Dorothy, Dora appeared too "wild" and in need of "taming"; little John, who had learning difficulties, Aunt Dorothy described as "the greatest Dunce in England".
In William and Dorothy Wordsworth: All in each other, Lucy Newlyn acknowledges "emotional tensions" at Allan Bank, and considers the impact of the deaths of the Wordsworths' two youngest children, Catharine and Thomas. William got through this crisis, Newlyn tells us, thanks to the "tireless sympathy" with which sister Dorothy fulfilled her role as his nurturer. It was in April 1794 that William and Dorothy had been reunited after years of separation following their mother's death (1778) and the demise of their father (1783). In June 1778, Dorothy, aged six, was sent to be fostered by kindly Unitarian relatives in Halifax: Newlyn conjectures that this family may have been a source for her brother's poetic ideas of "One Life", and also alerts us to Dorothy's early relationship with the abolitionist William Wilberforce. The following May, her brothers William and Richard went to board at Hawkshead School.
Ousted from their family home at Cockermouth, then parted for sixteen years, William and Dorothy would grow together again through collaborative creative writings that, Newlyn claims, "were part of [their] joint work of rebuilding a family, a settled home, and a communal identity". In Newlyn's story, writing for these two resilient survivors was a form of "therapy", although William's singular, punishing struggle with his never completed philosophical poem The Recluse, and the painful physical symptoms he experienced when composing poetry, might at times have felt otherwise.
Newlyn brings formidable academic resources to her task, recalling her ground-breaking study of poetic dialogue in Coleridge, Wordsworth, and the Language of Allusion (1986). Almost thirty years on, All in each other's decisive critical move is to place Dorothy Wordsworth's journals, letters and poems in the foreground alongside her brother's writings so as to demonstrate the intricately interwoven nature of their creativity. Newlyn has an extensive scholarly knowledge of William and Dorothy's manuscripts and published texts, and her own insights are flanked by Gaston Bachelard on spaces, Freud on mourning, Heidegger and James Lovelock on ecology, Lewis Hyde and Marcel Mauss on gifts, and Oliver Sacks on therapy. William and Dorothy are able to see "more clearly what John Barrell has called 'the dark side of the landscape'". The book's most impressive aspect is Newlyn's close reading of the verbal textures of their poetry and prose. William's tactful use of the word "transplanted", for instance, is expressive of his empathy for Dorothy "who had been more suddenly uprooted"; Dorothy "peppers her prose with local usages" – "lass", "baird", "gang" – while the lyrical rhythms and "inner vision" of her journals – "hovering on the edge of verse" – might have helped her admirer, Virginia Woolf, to create "moments of being".
So thoroughgoing is Newlyn's creative intertwining of William and Dorothy, one senses it is with some reluctance she concedes that they might, at times, have been not quite so much "all-in-each-other". Towards the end of her book, awkward questions start to emerge. "Were there rivalries in the family? . . . life was not always easy in the Wordsworth household . . . inevitably, the siblings had occasional disagreements". Newlyn tells us that Dorothy "repeatedly nagged" her brother for postponing The Recluse. So, too, one suspects, little Dora had been monitored before Aunt Dorothy packed her off to Miss Weir's boarding school at Appleby.
On a hot day in August 1811, Dora was taken to the coach at Ambleside, and hoisted up to her seat. "Her heart was full at the very last moment", Dorothy wrote to another abolitionist, Catherine Clarkson, "and when two rough sailors got up and seated themselves opposite to her, she looked very much frightened". Now less than sympathetic, Dorothy called out, "Do not fear they will take care of you", and the coach rumbled away. "We were quite easy", Dora's aunt assured her correspondent, "There never was a Girl in the world who would be so easily led to industry by following others". As Katie Waldegrave notes, in early August 1811, Dora was the same age as Dorothy when she was sent away to Halifax.
If Newlyn's study offers a finely recuperative analysis, Waldegrave's brilliant biography of Dora Wordsworth and Sara Coleridge traces the fractured lives of two young women struggling with their fathers' shadows. Anorexia, depression, insomnia and drug dependency were their legacies – and so, too, was their long friendship. The Poets' Daughters begins with a brisk comparison of the women's early lives at Keswick and Grasmere: at Greta Hall, Dora enjoyed music and drawing; the more studious Sara was already a skilled classicist. Then, in April 1816, the Southeys' son died; his mother began a protracted decline, and her grief-stricken husband – now Poet Laureate – retreated to his study. Suddenly, the Keswick/Grasmere polarity was reversed. The road to Grasmere no longer led to gloomy Allan Bank but to a new Wordsworthian idyll, Rydal Mount, where both Sara and Dora, "like sisters sometimes . . . chose to become friends".
By 1821, Dora (seventeen) and Sara (nineteen) had grown into very different individuals. Sara was an acknowledged "true beauty" who had translated Martin Dobrizzhofer's Account of the Abipones, an Equestrian People of Paraguay, a five-volume page-turner written in Latin. Dora, by contrast, had apparently failed to blossom. At the Christmas dance in Ambleside, where Dora was chaperoned by Rydal matrons and "Mrs STC . . . waddling like a stuffed turkey" (Mary Wordsworth's observation), it was clear that her childhood was long past. Sensing, perhaps, that she was required to fall in with the others, she seemed already to have joined her father's "fireside divan" (John Keats's term for the poet's female attendants). Whereas Newlyn sees Dora's role at Rydal Mount as continuing "cooperative labour", Waldegrave takes a different view. Her account – it is both sensitive and unflinching – has the poet's wife and daughter slaving, year after year, at transcriptions of his poetry with Dora, trapped in an "almost impossibly stifling triangle", prevented by her obdurate father from marrying the hapless Edward Quillinan. As Waldegrave puts it, Dora seemed to be "fading out of her own story", sickly, frail, depressed, "acting as supportive bystander whilst others lived their lives". When she was finally permitted to marry Quillinan, Dora came briefly into her own as the successful author of Journals of a few Months' Residence in Portugal (1847).
Sara Coleridge had no shortage of admirers, and when "The Flower of the Lakes" visited London, she caused a sensation. It might have led to escape and a different future, but she was soon absorbed back into the family by her cousin, Henry Nelson Coleridge. Waldegrave's lively prose recreates their wedding with a bustle of silk, satin and hatboxes, Southey in a gloom, and everyone relieved that the bride's father would not be there. The marriage service was led by "England's dunce", now the Revd John Wordsworth, and everyone danced until four the next morning.
The newly weds moved to 21 Downshire Hill, Hampstead – just around the corner from Keats's Wentworth Place – and here, after the births of their first two children and the death of her father, Sara collapsed into opiated despair. Aged thirty-one, the same age at which her hopelessly addicted father had fled to Malta, she found herself, like him, "utterly trapped" by the drug. It took De Quincey's damaging biography of Coleridge (1834) and James Ferrier's article on his plagiarisms (1840) to rouse her. From then on, Waldegrave shows, "Sara began to engage honestly with the real Coleridge", finding her life's work in a vindication of her father and discovering a kind of freedom through her own poetry. What followed was Sara's extraordinary edition of her father's Biographia Literaria, published, like Dora's Journals, in 1847; it is, as Waldegrave observes, "a breathtakingly accomplished" piece of editorial scholarship, and The Poets' Daughters traces Sara's long journey towards the year when both women emerged as writers. In contrast to Newlyn's idea of collaboration in the Lakes, Waldegrave emphasizes Sara Coleridge's labour of solitary mourning – for her father, and for her husband who had died, suddenly, in January 1843, leaving her to grieve over "his cold remains in their double coffin". "I am resigned to the blackness and desolation of feeling I must go through", Sara wrote in her diary. "I must finish my journey alone."
What comes over most compellingly in The Poets' Daughters are the terrible odds that confronted Dora Wordsworth and Sara Coleridge: dysfunctional families, haphazard education, limited life options and endless oppressive illnesses – boils, chickenpox, whooping cough, convulsions, measles, rheumatism, insomnia, miscarriages, drug addiction, Pott's disease (endured by Dora) and breast cancer (suffered by Sara). "Dora's dying was an exhausting struggle" until, after making a stoical joke about her "fatness", she succumbed on July 9, 1847. Sara survived her for a further five years. Shortly before she died, she composed a brave and witty charm, "To a little lump of malignity, on being medically assured that it was not a fresh growth, but an old growth splitting: Split away, split away, / split away, split!". Life had not been easy for either of the poets' daughters. Unlike their famous fathers, aunts and uncles, however, both women strove to be fun to the end.
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