Bernstein or bust
The cast of On the Town (1949)
Book Details
Nigel Simeone, editor
THE LEONARD BERNSTEIN LETTERS
606pp. Yale University Press. £25 (US $38).
978 0 300 17909 5
A protean personality as displayed in his gossipy, intelligent correspondence
MORRIS DICKSTEIN
"Dear Pupil", wrote Aaron Copland to his twenty-two-year-old protégé Leonard Bernstein in 1940:
What terrifying letters you write: fit for the flames is what they are. Just imagine how much you would have to pay to retrieve such a letter forty years from now when you are conductor of the Philharmonic. Well it all comes from the recklessness of youth, that's what it is. Of course I don't mean that you mustn't write such letters (to me, that is), but I mustn't forget to burn them.
Bernstein was just beginning his conducting studies with Serge Koussevitzky, the long-time maestro of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, but those who knew him had already singled him out as the great hope of American music. "The Big Boys here", Bernstein had written a year earlier, "have it all decided that I am to become America's Great Conductor. They need an Apostle for their music." It took him only seventeen years, not forty, to become music director of the Philharmonic, frequently performing the work of American composers. Confirming Copland's warning, one unbalanced young musician did indeed try to blackmail him with his letters, though to no avail.
Far from burning Bernstein's gossipy, indiscreet letters, Copland crossed out a few names and saved these lively effusions – for some future archive and for this volume, a rich selection of letters to and from Bernstein, meticulously edited by Nigel Simeone. The book is a mine of research and helpful information. Every detail that needs explaining is tracked and annotated and every correspondent receives a capsule biography, enabling us to follow the life in vivid bits and pieces, especially in tandem with Humphrey Burton's excellent biography of 1994, where some of these letters first appeared.
Copland assumed, quite sensibly, that his reckless young friend was destined for greatness. Bernstein's gifts were already on display when they met at a party in 1937. It was Copland's thirty-seventh birthday and the Harvard undergraduate, a gifted and showy pianist, sat down at the keyboard and played Copland's difficult Piano Variations from memory. By 1939, when he graduated, Bernstein had also begun writing music and he wondered whether the Big Boys, by fastening on him as a conductor, wanted to "to keep a rival composer out of the field". Soon he was studying conducting with the formidable Fritz Reiner at the Curtis Institute in Philadelphia, the best student Reiner ever had.
Copland became a mentor and lifelong friend – their correspondence is central to the first half of this collection – and Bernstein in turn would become the master interpreter of Copland's music, especially as it took a popular turn with ballet scores such as Billy the Kid, Rodeo and Appalachian Spring. Bernstein's first published work was his piano transcription of the infectious Latin rhythms of Copland's El Sálon México. But Bernstein's own story – his open grid of possibility, his ambition and lusty appetite for life, his largely gay sexual adventures, even his self-absorption – fascinated Copland as much as the young man's plentiful gifts. "What a letter!" he writes from Hollywood in 1943. "I had a wonderful time with it – better than any novel. But now I want to read the next chapter." Ever determined to plumb his own depths, Bernstein was seeing a psychotherapist, as he would through most of his life; his musings about his unconscious motives made the more placid Copland wonder whether he too had "an inner psyche doing funny things without my knowing it".
The wunderkind was just on the cusp of being discovered by the world at large. In late August 1943, he was appointed assistant conductor of the New York Philharmonic and just two months later, when Bruno Walter was suddenly taken ill, Bernstein, without benefit of rehearsal, made headlines with a sensational performance broadcast on national radio. The press had been alerted, his devoted Boston Jewish family was in town, and the adulation he enjoyed became a drug he would always crave. A pattern was established: though composing was his deepest aspiration, and he took frequent sabbaticals to pursue it, he could never give up the podium for any length of time. He'd long since pinpointed one symptom of his problem: "my love of people. I need them all the time – every moment . . . . I cannot spend one day alone without becoming utterly depressed". Yet all his relationships seemed like one-night stands, transient, superficial. "I still hate being alone, and yet don't want anyone in particular", he wrote to Copland in 1942. "You're the only one that persists and persists, come hell or high water."
By the time of his debut with the Philharmonic, Bernstein had already written a symphony, Jeremiah, and a fine sonata for clarinet and piano, yet he felt restless and unfulfilled. In 1944, his work took an unexpected turn; he collaborated on a heady, rambunctious new ballet, Fancy Free, with the young Jerome Robbins. Its success soon led to a musical, On the Town, with choreography by Robbins, book and lyrics by two of Bernstein's closest friends, Betty Comden and Adolph Green – four effervescent, try-anything newcomers in their twenties reined in by one veteran director, George Abbott. The wartime setting, as in Fancy Free, was urban and contemporary – three sailors on shore leave in New York, looking for girls. The dancing was winningly fresh, the lyrics witty, and the vibrant jazz- inflected score ranged from the bluesy to the frenetic. The most memorable number, "New York, New York", buoyant with irrepressible energy, would serve as an enduring anthem for Bernstein's adopted city. The show ran for 463 performances.
Writing for the theatre, for a popular audience, brought out the best in Bernstein even as it kept solitude and depression at bay. He relished collaborating with people as talented as Abbott or Robbins, sponging up what they knew with an astonishing facility. This cross-pollination became one key to his success. Like George Gershwin, he worked with sophisticated lyricists who steered clear of the clichés of the musical theatre, particularly those soggy boy-meets-girl love songs. Thanks to the triumph of Oklahoma!, the Broadway musical was shifting direction when Bernstein arrived. The slapdash shows of the 1920s and 30s, composed loosely of song, dance and spectacle, were giving way to the book musical, with song and dance embedded in character and integrated into the story. With Oklahoma!, Rodgers and Hart had been replaced by Rodgers and Hammerstein, just as Bernstein and his collaborators were paving the way for Hammerstein's protégé, Stephen Sondheim, who kicked off his illustrious career by writing the lyrics for Bernstein's strongest musical, West Side Story.
Sondheim, like Bernstein, would be blamed for not writing hits, hummable tunes that could be extracted from their context and take off on their own – in recordings and jukeboxes, in sheet music and on the radio, where so much money lay. In The Joy of Music (1959), Bernstein had responded defensively with an imaginary dialogue, "Why Don't You Run Upstairs and Write a Nice Gershwin Tune?" Gershwin, he says, "really had the magic touch. Gershwin made hits, I don't know how. Some people do it all the time, like breathing". His imagined accuser persists: "Your songs are simply too arty. . . . A special little dissonant effect in the bass may make you happy, and maybe some of your highbrow friends, but it doesn't help to make a hit". (Hollywood had in fact been leery of Gershwin for being too artful; this made him swear, tongue in cheek, that his only goal was to write hits.) The charge points to Bernstein's strength as a theatrical composer. What he lacks in sheer melodic invention he makes up for in harmonic subtlety and complexity. For Paul Bowles, a composer before he became a writer, On the Town had "an epoch-making score" and "its instrumentation was phenomenal in its cleverness". To Bernstein, a Gershwin showpiece like Rhapsody in Blue remained a collection of moveable parts, lacking the structure and organic development that was the glory of the symphonic tradition. "Composing is a very different thing from writing tunes." Yet Bowles saw Bernstein as Gershwin's heir: "No other composer combines the same kind of nervous energy and the same incredible degree of facility".
As music drama, West Side Story is Bernstein's Porgy and Bess, the crossover work, hard to classify, in which the writer transcended himself. Gershwin came to this territory from Tin Pan Alley, having gradually mastered orchestral writing along the way. Bernstein arrived from classical composition, passing through musical comedy and operetta. It's no accident that dance looms large in Bernstein's best shows. He provided the musical base for Robbins's choreography in Fancy Free, On the Town and West Side Story, orchestral writing with strong, syncopated rhythms, almost palpable drama, and a strikingly vernacular sound. The fierce urban tension in the music for West Side Story also infuses his memorable score for Elia Kazan's film On the Waterfront. He adapted both into symphonic suites. His most frequently performed concert work actually originated on Broadway, the four-minute overture to Candide in 1956.
Both the ingenious yet flawed Candide, musically rich (too rich, some said), and the succès fou of West Side Story came at the end of the freelance years that followed Bernstein's sensational debut at Carnegie Hall. After On the Town, Koussevitzky read him the riot act, insisting that he stick to conducting and the concert hall, and Bernstein, ever deferential to his first patron, stayed away from the theatre as long as Koussevitzky was alive. (He died in 1951.) Instead, he became everyone's favourite guest conductor, building his repertoire, preserving some of his freedom to compose, sometimes leading as many as a dozen orchestras in a single year. For him conducting was a form of lovemaking, an overflow of passion, and he took pleasure in seducing yet another set of players as well as a new audience.
Two urgent commitments influenced Bernstein's conducting life during these years. As the first American-born conductor to gain wide acceptance in many European cities (or American cities, for that matter) he proselytized for American composers whose work was still only rarely given a hearing. Sometimes he overstepped the mark, as when he programmed one of his own pieces for a Boston Symphony concert, after which Koussevitzky, who preferred Bernstein's conducting to his composing, turned on him:
May I ask you: do you think that your composition is worthy of the Boston Symphony Orchestra and the Boston organization? Can it be placed on the same level as Beethoven, Schubert, Brahms, Stravinsky, Prokofieff, Bartók or Copland?
As usual with Koussevitzky, Bernstein sent a humble, breast-beating reply:
Why do these misunderstandings happen? Is there an evil element in my nature that makes me do and say immoral things? . . . Whenever I conduct in Boston I am conducting for you, deep inside, and whatever I may do well is a tribute to you. My main concern is to make you proud of me, and justified in all your efforts for me.
Yet Koussevitzky himself was a vigorous supporter of contemporary composers, and within a few years he commissioned and premiered Bernstein's second symphony, loosely based on W. H. Auden's Age of Anxiety. Bernstein had eaten humble pie out of deep respect, even reverence, but also from a canny self-interest, for the older man had taken him under his wing and done more than anyone to advance his career.
The other highlight of Bernstein's conducting Wanderjahre was his excited discovery of Israel; it seems to have triggered a renewal of his Jewish identity. He had grown up in a family in which religion mattered – his father was a Talmud student who came from a long line of rabbis – but cultural identification mattered even more. He had already set Hebrew texts from Lamentations in Jeremiah and would deploy biblical and liturgical texts in major compositions such as his Kaddish and Chichester Psalms. He was drawn to Israel and its musicians, many of them refugees from Nazi Europe, even before the state was declared. As early as 1947 he wrote to Koussevitzky:
If you ever wanted to be involved in a historical moment, this is it. The people are remarkable; life goes on in spite of police, bombs, everything. There is a strength and devotion in these people that is formidable. They will never let their land be taken from them; they will die first. And the country is beautiful beyond description.
He returned in 1948, during the Arab–Israeli war, to conduct forty concerts in sixty days, sometimes with artillery fire booming in the background. He wrote home of the beauty of Jerusalem, the heroism and privation of the people, and was tempted to sign on as principal conductor of the newly renamed Israel Philharmonic. He always maintained a link with the orchestra, a kind of family connection that meant the world to him, yet he would also perform with former Nazis in Vienna, one of the adopted cities of his later years. For him, it was the music that mattered most, the music and the tumultuous acclaim he invariably received.
In these years, questions of family and identity loomed large for him. Writing from Israel in 1950 to his sister, Shirley, he describes them as "years of compulsive living, of driving headlong down alleys of blind patterns, dictated by God knows what vibrations". In 1946, he met a striking woman, Felicia Montealegre Cohn, a Chilean piano student and aspiring actress, half-Jewish, but educated by nuns and raised as a Catholic, and they got engaged, much to his parents' distress. Always close to his family – and especially to his sister and brother, with whom he spoke an affectionate private language – the footloose Bernstein felt the the pull of home and family. But Bernstein was bisexual, ambivalent, and the engagement foundered within a year. Still, he reckoned that his career, if he were ever to head a major orchestra, demanded a spouse, whatever his sexual inclinations. Three years later, though she was now with another man, he found himself thinking of Felicia again, testing himself. As he told his sister, who kept in touch with her:
I have been engaged in an imaginary life with Felicia, having her by my side on the beach as a shockingly beautiful Yemenite boy passes – inquiring into that automatic little demon who always springs into action at such moments.
Within a year Felicia's lover had died, and she and Bernstein were engaged again and soon married. He wondered "what security she will manage to find in a marriage contracted in insecurity". How much she knew about his past life is not clear, but after some difficult months she laid out the grounds of their relationship:
You are a homosexual and may never change. . . . I am willing to accept you as you are, without being a martyr or sacrificing myself on the L.B. altar. (I happen to love you very much – this may be a disease and if it is what better cure?) . . . A companionship will grow which probably no one else may be able to offer you. The feelings you have for me will be clearer and easier to express – our marriage is not based on passion but on tenderness and mutual respect. Why not have them?
What stabilized their marriage and turned it into more of a love story was the arrival of their children, eventually three of them, which brought out the exuberant paterfamilias in Bernstein, and replicated the cherished family structure in which he had grown up. It also provided the social respectability he needed, both professionally and psychologically. Felicia became his closest friend, the indispensable anchor of his peripatetic life, replacing Copland as his confessor. Bernstein wrote some of his best letters to her, warm, loving and keenly observant, though also rife with self-dramatization.
I miss you terribly, and love your letters. They carry a whiff of something warm and joyful and familiar. Imagine – after three years: joyful! Is it wonderful: home has always been the spot in which I happened to be: now it is a place, with all that one place connotes . . . . A new experience.
This idyll came to an end twenty-five years later, in 1976, when he left her to be with a man. "You're going to die a bitter and lonely old man", she reportedly said to him. They were reconciled when she fell ill with cancer, and her death soon afterwards left him rudderless, plagued by feelings of guilt and remorse for the rest of his life.
Though it left him little time to compose, Bernstein's rock-star fame only increased when he became conductor of the New York Philharmonic in 1958. Some said his gestural and emotive conducting style was directed more at the audience than at the players, but no one was better at shaping an orchestral interpretation or enabling ordinary concert-goers to grasp it. He inhabited the music as if possessed by it. Though he never satisfied the New York Times critic, Harold Schonberg, or the atonal avant-garde, his tenure was a success by any measure: more American and contemporary music, ambitious touring and over 200 recordings, a younger, more enthusiastic audience. In preview performances and in televised Young People's Concerts, he demonstrated that he could expound music colloquially to laymen as well as he could perform it.
Bernstein's genius as an educator had been evident earlier, especially in Koussevitzky's summer music programmes at Tanglewood, in western Massachusetts. In 1954 he had taken on a new role that made him the voice and face of classical music in America. As part of a television series called Omnibus, funded by the Ford Foundation, he took viewers through the intricacies of Beethoven's Fifth, using the composer's discarded sketches to show them exactly the kind of development he found missing in Gershwin's Rhapsody in Blue, a symphonic progress in which every note feels inevitable. Bernstein was soon acknowledged as one of the best village explainers to set foot on the classical terrain. He was able to think from the audience's point of view, asking – and answering – questions at once simple and fundamental: what makes modern music modern? What are the musical constituents of jazz? How did the American musical evolve into a great indigenous form? Never talking down, instead he breaks things down, always focusing on the notes, not merely the circumstances. It is hardly a surprise that the best of these visual essays is on the art of conducting, which ranges from the use of the baton to "the intangibles, the deep magical aspect of conducting", the passion, the timing, the sculptural sense of proportion that enables a single intelligence to mould so many disparate players and instruments into a satisfying whole.
After eleven years with the Philharmonic, Bernstein spent the best part of his life refining his conducting into utter mastery. The jury is still out on which of his own classical compositions might survive. Copland himself, early on, was in two minds about Bernstein's music, praising his "vibrant rhythmic invention" and "immediate emotional appeal" but seeing it, at its worst, as "conductor's music – eclectic in style and facile in inspiration". Bernstein's Broadway musicals, even the ill-fated Candide, have been repeatedly revived, sometimes by altering or updating the book. He became too famous, too busy, too set in his ways to write the kind of fluent, arresting letters he once did, and the later letters lack the appeal of the gifted young man's self-absorption. "Some day, preferably soon, I simply must decide what I'm going to be when I grow up", he writes in 1955.
From the 1980s, his last decade, when he continued a frenetic round of international travel, lionized everywhere he went, there are hardly any letters at all. One thing was not in doubt: his conducting became ever more personal and probing, especially with the composers with whom he identified. His role in the Mahler revival was critical. He felt akin to Mahler's grandiosity and spiritual ambition, his Jewish origins, his role as a culminating figure in the Austro-German symphonic tradition, but above all to what Bernstein described as Mahler's "doubleness", his "straddling", as a man split between composing and conducting, between sweeping, resonant emotions and kitsch. As early as 1950, Bernstein had written, "Sometimes I feel clearly that his difficulties were the same as my own. Mahler was also 'possessed' by music and his compositions, too, originated during his occupations as a conductor. . . . . With works by Mahler I seem to be playing some of my own". Though "born in the lap of Gershwin and Copland", he wrote to Karl Böhm, he became an "adopted son" of European music, as much at home in Vienna and Amsterdam as in New York and Israel.
Bernstein's letters reveal more about his protean personality than about his work. Strictly musical discussions are rare, for the letters are often the fruit of his travels, while his creative collaborations were usually face to face. Nigel Simeone's impeccable notes and introductions make this a virtual biography but key moments, such as his separation from Felicia, barely figure, perhaps because they're too fraught, too sensitive, to be written about. But what the letters lack in narrative continuity they make up for with an immediacy of feeling, voice, direct exchange. The violinist Isaac Stern loved it when he and Bernstein talked "about life and music, about ideas, about family . . . . The greatest times I had with him were always alone. You could never talk with Lenny this way if one other person entered the room; [he] immediately went on stage". Alive with spontaneous intelligence, Leonard Bernstein's letters display exactly this unforced intimacy, though there were moments when he no doubt knew that posterity was listening in.
Tuesday, 22 July 2014
Wednesday, 16 July 2014
The science of humans
The science of humans
Charles Seligman; from the book under review
Book Details
Ben Shephard
HEADHUNTERS
The search for a science of the mind
323pp. Bodley Head. £25.
978 1 84792 188 8
A network of eccentric, wilful, brilliant men prepared to try anything to advance the scientific understanding of human nature
ADAM KUPER
In the early twentieth century, a handful of Cambridge men, young medical doctors mostly, established modern anthropology, neuroscience, psychology and psychotherapy in Britain. Ben Shephard sums up their quest as "a search for a science of the mind", which was certainly a large part of it, but they were interested in a great many other things as well. They were close associates who influenced one another, but it would be a mistake to exaggerate the coherence of their projects or the extent to which they shared a common sense of what they were after. Because they were so eclectic and ranged so widely, they were not installed as ancestor figures in the disciplines into which the human sciences were beginning to fragment, even if they were influential in the committees that helped to shape the new professional institutions. Their names are therefore mostly unfamiliar today. Shephard rescues them from the oubliette of disciplinary histories and presents them as members of a cohort: a network of eccentric, wilful, brilliant men who were prepared to go anywhere, try anything, to advance the scientific understanding of human nature.
Central members of this cohort were brought together in the 1898 "Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits", that narrow stretch of sea, with numerous islands, which separates Australia and New Guinea. The expedition was organized by a zoologist, Alfred Haddon. Encouraged by Thomas Huxley, Haddon had visited the Torres Strait a year earlier to study tropical fauna and coral reefs. He became interested in the islanders and was tempted to take up anthropology, although Huxley did warn him that nobody could make a living at it. (Mrs Haddon pluckily remarked that "you may as well starve as an anthropologist as a zoologist".) Haddon then put together a scientific expedition to the Strait. The islanders seemed particularly interesting since they might constitute a link between the peoples of New Guinea and Indonesia and the Australian Aborigines, who represented for the Victorians the archetypal savage hunter-gatherers. And their origins were mysterious. The Cambridge team would study the anatomy, physiology, sense perception and sociology of the natives.
Haddon lectured on comparative anatomy in the Natural Sciences department in Cambridge alongside a young doctor, W. H. R. Rivers, who lectured on the sense organs. Rivers had studied experimental psychology at the leading school in the world, in Jena, in Germany, and developed an unfashionable interest in mental illnesses. Haddon invited him to lead the psychological side of the expedition, but Rivers hesitated until his two favourite students, William McDougall and C. S. Myers, signed on. He then told Haddon that after the recent death of his mother he felt run down and in need of a holiday. He would come along and pay his own way. Charles Seligman, a pathologist who was a friend and contemporary of Myers, also volunteered and was directed to join Rivers, Myers and McDougall in doing experiments on the sight and hearing of the islanders.
"I put the direction of the psychological department entirely into the hands of Rivers", Haddon reported, "and for the first time psychological observations were made on a backward people in their own country by trained psychologists with adequate equipment." Despite Haddon's optimism, their equipment turned out to be far from adequate in tropical conditions and they ended up doing quite simple experiments, but the results appeared to show that the sense perception of the islanders was not very different from that of Europeans. They might be better able to discriminate birds at a distance, but only because they had been trained to do so. Their colour vocabulary was undeveloped, but they could pick out the same shades of difference as an average Englishman. Personalities, too, were familiar. "The character of the natives appears to be as diverse as it would be in any English town", Myers remarked. Their cook was "the sturdy, plodding thick-set workman". Another man was "the best example of the high-strung nervous type: his excitement when he is telling a story is remarkable". And then there was Ulai, "the personification of cunning", who grasped what the expedition was after and sold Rivers a collection of rods that recorded his sexual conquests, explaining that at his age he would not be adding to their number.
Haddon directed the ethnological research. One coup was to persuade the Murray islanders to revive a male initiation ceremony that the missionaries had banned. Rivers found himself drawn to sociological issues, especially family and kinship. "While going over the various names which one man would apply to others, I was occasionally told that such and such a man would stop a fight, another would bury a dead man, and so on", he noted. "When the clues given by these occasional remarks were followed up it was found that there were certain very definite duties and privileges attached to certain bonds of kinship." Rivers went on to become the leading kinship theorist of his generation.
Studying hearing, Myers and Seligman collected recordings of local music. Then Seligman went off to do some ethnological work of his own in New Guinea, and Myers and McDougall made a difficult journey to Sarawak, where the administrator, Charles Hose, was orchestrating a peace conference between two groups of headhunters. Myers found it all rather trying, and objected particularly to having to do his daily rounds surrounded by pigs. "How much this distracts from the pleasures of defecation and subsequent pig eating", he complained. Nor could he get on with the local people. His one achievement was the collection of music recordings. McDougall fitted in rather better with the swashbuckling Hose and enjoyed the company of the headhunters. He was tempted to make a career of anthropology. However, he decided that it was too easy and instead went to Germany to master the latest experimental methods in psychology.
Another Cambridge friend of Rivers was a young Australian doctor, Grafton Elliot Smith, who had been studying the brains of marsupials. When the Haddon team set out for the Torres Strait, Elliot Smith went to Cairo as professor of anatomy at the medical school. Rivers turned up in Egypt in 1900, to investigate the colour vision of the Egyptians in order to establish a comparison with the Torres Strait islanders. His experimental subjects were labourers working for another former member of the Torres Strait team, Anthony Wilken, who was doing archaeological research. Rivers brought Elliot Smith in to examine the human remains that Wilken had uncovered, and especially the well-preserved brains of pre-dynastic people. Elliot Smith soon became a world authority on the human brain. He modelled the brain's structure as though it was an archaeological site, the different levels supposedly reflecting evolutionary advances. The neocortex, shared by all mammals, controlled basic functions while the prefrontal area was the seat of more advanced abilities.
Elliot Smith also began to develop theories about Egyptology and anthropology. His most famous idea was that the wonders of ancient Egypt were created not by Africans but by northern invaders, and that civilization had then spread from Egypt to all the corners of the world. Rivers was impressed, and he now decided that Melanesia had been transformed by an invasion of more advanced peoples. Seligman, who had gone on to do ethnological fieldwork in the Sudan, also adopted Elliot Smith's thesis and argued that the most advanced African civilizations were the work of light-skinned "Hamitic" invaders who had passed through Egypt. The great African pro-consul, Lord Lugard, was a convert to this doctine, which had an obvious appeal to colonialists.
Rivers, more and more absorbed by ethnology and, engaged in writing his great work, The History of Melanesian Society, found the time to collaborate in a famous experiment with his friend Henry Head, another young doctor who had studied experimental psychology in Germany and Czechoslovakia. Investigating the perception of pain, Head had two cutaneous nerves on his left forearm severed. Every Friday for the next four years, he visited Rivers in his college rooms to chart the process of regeneration and the areas of acute sensitivity. Echoing Elliot Smith's ideas about the evolutionary levels of the brain, Rivers and Head decided that the nervous system contained two layers: one older and more primitive; the other more subtle and localized. They speculated that the two systems "owed their origin to the developmental history of the nervous system. They reveal the means by which an imperfect organism has struggled towards improved functions and physical unity". And this "could be seen as a metaphor for the triumph of civilization over savagery in human history". Frederic Bartlett, a student of Rivers who went on to become a leading psychologist in the next generation, noted that this metaphor informed all Rivers's later theories in physiology, psychology and anthropology. The structure of every human organ, every social institution, revealed cumulative layers of progressive development.
Myers and McDougall stuck with psychology but developed very different approaches. Myers became an anti-racist and a humanist. McDougall was a biological determinist, although he did become president of the English Society for Psychical Research.
Like Rivers, Myers initially took an evolutionary view: "The primitive mind first or the child mind, if you like; then the industrial mind; and the abnormal last of all: that seems to me the natural order, since each in a sense implies the last". He moved from St Bartholomew's Hospital in London to Cambridge to work with Rivers, and set up a small laboratory in a cottage in Mill Lane, funded by a gift from his mother. Here he worked on the psychological basis of rhythm in music.
Psychology was looked down on by the Cambridge establishment, but Ludwig Wittgenstein was intrigued and regularly came to Mill Lane to work with Myers. "I had a discussion with Myers about the relations between Logic and Philosophy", he wrote to Bertrand Russell. "I was very candid and I am sure he thinks that I am the most arrogant devil who ever lived . . . . I think he was a bit less confused after the discussion than before." When the laboratory was opened to the public in 1913, Wittgenstein exhibited an apparatus for investigating the perception of rhythm. Perhaps influenced by Wittgenstein, Myers was moving away from biological determinism. The physiologists, he complained, "in their attempts to penetrate the reality of the known, were deliberately ignoring the knower". Experimental psychology made unrealistic assumptions, he came to believe. "The factor of feeling was expressly eliminated from our experiments on memory." Together with Rivers, Myers lobbied, unsuccessfully, for Cambridge to establish a mental health centre. He also criticized racial theories. The "mental characters" of a European peasant were "essentially the same as those of primitive communities", he insisted. "In temperament we meet the same variations in primitive as in civilized communities."
McDougall, in contrast, remained committed to biological explanations of human behaviour. He moved to Oxford, championed eugenics, and began to theorize about race and instinct. A quirky and difficult man, who had quarrelled with most of his associates, McDougall made a satisfactory marriage with the daughter of a chimney sweep in 1900 and began to repair his strained relationships with Rivers and Myers. In 1901, the three men were instrumental in the establishment of the British Psychological Society. And they shared a commitment to develop the treatment of mental illnesses. Psychoanalytic theories came to their attention with the publication of lectures Freud had delivered in 1910 at Clark University in Massachusetts. In 1913, Jung attended a medical congress in London and impressed McDougall. He arranged to visit Jung for analysis, but was frustrated by the outbreak of the First World War.
The war brought them all together again. The cohort of medical doctors, anthropologists and psychologists was now deployed in a new and contentious field: the treatment of soldiers traumatized by battle. (Shephard has published a study of military psychiatry, and this section of his book is particularly strong.) Myers had gone to France immediately the war broke out, and French psychiatrists had introduced him to soldiers who were suffering from strange symptoms – struck dumb, paralysed without any evident physical cause, or suffering from a total loss of memory. He concluded that these symptoms might sometimes be caused by the stress of battle, but that they might also have a physiological basis, resulting from close proximity to heavy explosions. In 1915, he published a description of "shell shock" in the British Medical Journal. In the following year he was appointed "Specialist in Nerve Shock" to the British army with the temporary rank of major.
The diagnosis was, however, vague, and it was also problematic in operational terms. One in six shell-shock patients were officers (who constituted only one in thirty of the fighting men). And when men diagnosed with shell shock were being evacuated from the front line, even returned to Britain, there were suspicions of faking. Manpower losses from shell shock became a serious drain. In one fortnight at the height of the Battle of the Somme, 2 Division had 2,400 wounded men and 501 cases of "shell-shock wounded". Myers was sidelined, clinics were set up near the front line to rehabilitate traumatized men, and the diagnosis of shell shock was shelved in favour of the pre-war categories of neurasthenia and hysteria.
But large numbers of soldiers had returned to Britain, wounded or psychologically incapacitated, and suffering acutely from depression: "nervous wrecks" was the common description. McDougall found himself "the head of a hospital section full of 'shell shock' cases, a most strange, wonderful and pitiful collection of nervously disordered soldiers". Elliot Smith was posted to Magull hospital near Liverpool, and recruited Rivers. They experimented with various methods, including the new talking therapy favoured by Freud and Jung, and began to pay special attention to dreams.
Rivers moved at the end of 1916 to Craiglockhart, in Scotland, a facility for officers who had been diagnosed with shell shock. He cherry-picked the most interesting cases, one of whom, famously, was Siegfried Sassoon, who had been sent there after making an anti-war protest. Sassoon recalled that at their first session he asked Rivers if he was suffering from shell shock.
"Certainly not", he replied.
"What have I got then?"
"Well, you appear to be suffering from an anti-war complex." We both of us laughed at that.
Rivers engaged critically with Freudian ideas. He reworked Freud's dream theory in a neglected classic, Conflict and Dreams, which was published posthumously, edited by Elliot Smith. But as Sassoon apparently recognized, Rivers could well have featured as a classical Freudian case study himself, tormented by homosexual desires. In 1914, Rivers had abandoned a young student, John Layard, on a remote Melanesian island, evidently unable to cope with a physical attraction that Layard himself was willing to express. "Rivers had obviously not recognized the whole homosexual content of our relationship, probably on both sides", Layard remarked. He also recalled that Rivers had "immense quantities of clever young men around him. He told me once that it was only the affection of young men that kept him alive". (Layard returned to England suffering from depression. Rivers attended him but many years later he attempted suicide, was treated by Jung, and eventually published a Jungian study of dream analysis.)
Rivers also suffered greatly from the strain of treating young officers only so that they could be sent back to the front, and he had to retire owing to nervous exhaustion. In 1922, while fighting the general election in the London University seat on behalf of the Labour Party, he had a fatal heart attack. In the same year the founding texts of the new functionalist anthropology were published, and his speculative history of Melanesian society was consigned to the scrapheap.
More broadly, in the 1920s structural-functional accounts replaced speculative historical approaches in the natural and social sciences. The brain was now seen as an intricate working organism, its parts functionally specialized. Societies were machines for living in, not deposits of archaeological strata. Academic psychologists set out to win respect by making psychology over into an experimental natural science, abandoning therapy.
The members of the cohort did not have the best of luck in the post-war world. Elliot Smith became a famous anatomist, but his reputation was badly damaged by his endorsement of the Piltdown forgery. (A hoaxer had put together a modern cranium and an ape's jaw and teeth, which led Elliot Smith to conclude that early hominids had highly developed brains.) McDougall was appointed to a chair at Harvard in 1919, but his advocacy of instinct theory, eugenics and racial determinism did not go down well. Nor did his enthusiasm for psychic research. American psychology was now "behaviorist" and experimental, and McDougall was regarded as a Victorian relic, "still thinking of himself as an Englishman in the British colonies", colleagues complained. He lost a small fortune in the stock market crash of 1929 and was then swindled over an oil well. ("The professor is noted for his experiments on animal behavior through tests made mostly with rats", the New York Times noted with some glee. "Seems this time he got caught by two oily ones.") Seligman became professor of ethnology at the London School of Economics, but in the 1920s he was sidelined by the charismatic Bronisław Malinowski. Myers was held responsible for the shell shock fiasco. ("There's no such thing as shell shock", General George S. Patton was to insist. "It's an invention of the Jews.")
"Although many of the answers which Rivers, McDougall and Elliot Smith gave have proved to be wrong, because in their time the data to answer them did not exist, the questions they posed are still relevant", Ben Shephard suggests. In fact their theories were discredited and their research programmes declared obsolete. And so they have largely been forgotten. Only Rivers has had an unexpected afterlife, resurrected in the imaginations of Siegfried Sassoon and Pat Barker. Yet this cohort of open-minded, cosmopolitan, adventurous young doctors was surely more interesting, more creative and more admirable than most of the narrow specialists who succeeded them.
Charles Seligman; from the book under review
Book Details
Ben Shephard
HEADHUNTERS
The search for a science of the mind
323pp. Bodley Head. £25.
978 1 84792 188 8
A network of eccentric, wilful, brilliant men prepared to try anything to advance the scientific understanding of human nature
ADAM KUPER
In the early twentieth century, a handful of Cambridge men, young medical doctors mostly, established modern anthropology, neuroscience, psychology and psychotherapy in Britain. Ben Shephard sums up their quest as "a search for a science of the mind", which was certainly a large part of it, but they were interested in a great many other things as well. They were close associates who influenced one another, but it would be a mistake to exaggerate the coherence of their projects or the extent to which they shared a common sense of what they were after. Because they were so eclectic and ranged so widely, they were not installed as ancestor figures in the disciplines into which the human sciences were beginning to fragment, even if they were influential in the committees that helped to shape the new professional institutions. Their names are therefore mostly unfamiliar today. Shephard rescues them from the oubliette of disciplinary histories and presents them as members of a cohort: a network of eccentric, wilful, brilliant men who were prepared to go anywhere, try anything, to advance the scientific understanding of human nature.
Central members of this cohort were brought together in the 1898 "Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits", that narrow stretch of sea, with numerous islands, which separates Australia and New Guinea. The expedition was organized by a zoologist, Alfred Haddon. Encouraged by Thomas Huxley, Haddon had visited the Torres Strait a year earlier to study tropical fauna and coral reefs. He became interested in the islanders and was tempted to take up anthropology, although Huxley did warn him that nobody could make a living at it. (Mrs Haddon pluckily remarked that "you may as well starve as an anthropologist as a zoologist".) Haddon then put together a scientific expedition to the Strait. The islanders seemed particularly interesting since they might constitute a link between the peoples of New Guinea and Indonesia and the Australian Aborigines, who represented for the Victorians the archetypal savage hunter-gatherers. And their origins were mysterious. The Cambridge team would study the anatomy, physiology, sense perception and sociology of the natives.
Haddon lectured on comparative anatomy in the Natural Sciences department in Cambridge alongside a young doctor, W. H. R. Rivers, who lectured on the sense organs. Rivers had studied experimental psychology at the leading school in the world, in Jena, in Germany, and developed an unfashionable interest in mental illnesses. Haddon invited him to lead the psychological side of the expedition, but Rivers hesitated until his two favourite students, William McDougall and C. S. Myers, signed on. He then told Haddon that after the recent death of his mother he felt run down and in need of a holiday. He would come along and pay his own way. Charles Seligman, a pathologist who was a friend and contemporary of Myers, also volunteered and was directed to join Rivers, Myers and McDougall in doing experiments on the sight and hearing of the islanders.
"I put the direction of the psychological department entirely into the hands of Rivers", Haddon reported, "and for the first time psychological observations were made on a backward people in their own country by trained psychologists with adequate equipment." Despite Haddon's optimism, their equipment turned out to be far from adequate in tropical conditions and they ended up doing quite simple experiments, but the results appeared to show that the sense perception of the islanders was not very different from that of Europeans. They might be better able to discriminate birds at a distance, but only because they had been trained to do so. Their colour vocabulary was undeveloped, but they could pick out the same shades of difference as an average Englishman. Personalities, too, were familiar. "The character of the natives appears to be as diverse as it would be in any English town", Myers remarked. Their cook was "the sturdy, plodding thick-set workman". Another man was "the best example of the high-strung nervous type: his excitement when he is telling a story is remarkable". And then there was Ulai, "the personification of cunning", who grasped what the expedition was after and sold Rivers a collection of rods that recorded his sexual conquests, explaining that at his age he would not be adding to their number.
Haddon directed the ethnological research. One coup was to persuade the Murray islanders to revive a male initiation ceremony that the missionaries had banned. Rivers found himself drawn to sociological issues, especially family and kinship. "While going over the various names which one man would apply to others, I was occasionally told that such and such a man would stop a fight, another would bury a dead man, and so on", he noted. "When the clues given by these occasional remarks were followed up it was found that there were certain very definite duties and privileges attached to certain bonds of kinship." Rivers went on to become the leading kinship theorist of his generation.
Studying hearing, Myers and Seligman collected recordings of local music. Then Seligman went off to do some ethnological work of his own in New Guinea, and Myers and McDougall made a difficult journey to Sarawak, where the administrator, Charles Hose, was orchestrating a peace conference between two groups of headhunters. Myers found it all rather trying, and objected particularly to having to do his daily rounds surrounded by pigs. "How much this distracts from the pleasures of defecation and subsequent pig eating", he complained. Nor could he get on with the local people. His one achievement was the collection of music recordings. McDougall fitted in rather better with the swashbuckling Hose and enjoyed the company of the headhunters. He was tempted to make a career of anthropology. However, he decided that it was too easy and instead went to Germany to master the latest experimental methods in psychology.
Another Cambridge friend of Rivers was a young Australian doctor, Grafton Elliot Smith, who had been studying the brains of marsupials. When the Haddon team set out for the Torres Strait, Elliot Smith went to Cairo as professor of anatomy at the medical school. Rivers turned up in Egypt in 1900, to investigate the colour vision of the Egyptians in order to establish a comparison with the Torres Strait islanders. His experimental subjects were labourers working for another former member of the Torres Strait team, Anthony Wilken, who was doing archaeological research. Rivers brought Elliot Smith in to examine the human remains that Wilken had uncovered, and especially the well-preserved brains of pre-dynastic people. Elliot Smith soon became a world authority on the human brain. He modelled the brain's structure as though it was an archaeological site, the different levels supposedly reflecting evolutionary advances. The neocortex, shared by all mammals, controlled basic functions while the prefrontal area was the seat of more advanced abilities.
Elliot Smith also began to develop theories about Egyptology and anthropology. His most famous idea was that the wonders of ancient Egypt were created not by Africans but by northern invaders, and that civilization had then spread from Egypt to all the corners of the world. Rivers was impressed, and he now decided that Melanesia had been transformed by an invasion of more advanced peoples. Seligman, who had gone on to do ethnological fieldwork in the Sudan, also adopted Elliot Smith's thesis and argued that the most advanced African civilizations were the work of light-skinned "Hamitic" invaders who had passed through Egypt. The great African pro-consul, Lord Lugard, was a convert to this doctine, which had an obvious appeal to colonialists.
Rivers, more and more absorbed by ethnology and, engaged in writing his great work, The History of Melanesian Society, found the time to collaborate in a famous experiment with his friend Henry Head, another young doctor who had studied experimental psychology in Germany and Czechoslovakia. Investigating the perception of pain, Head had two cutaneous nerves on his left forearm severed. Every Friday for the next four years, he visited Rivers in his college rooms to chart the process of regeneration and the areas of acute sensitivity. Echoing Elliot Smith's ideas about the evolutionary levels of the brain, Rivers and Head decided that the nervous system contained two layers: one older and more primitive; the other more subtle and localized. They speculated that the two systems "owed their origin to the developmental history of the nervous system. They reveal the means by which an imperfect organism has struggled towards improved functions and physical unity". And this "could be seen as a metaphor for the triumph of civilization over savagery in human history". Frederic Bartlett, a student of Rivers who went on to become a leading psychologist in the next generation, noted that this metaphor informed all Rivers's later theories in physiology, psychology and anthropology. The structure of every human organ, every social institution, revealed cumulative layers of progressive development.
Myers and McDougall stuck with psychology but developed very different approaches. Myers became an anti-racist and a humanist. McDougall was a biological determinist, although he did become president of the English Society for Psychical Research.
Like Rivers, Myers initially took an evolutionary view: "The primitive mind first or the child mind, if you like; then the industrial mind; and the abnormal last of all: that seems to me the natural order, since each in a sense implies the last". He moved from St Bartholomew's Hospital in London to Cambridge to work with Rivers, and set up a small laboratory in a cottage in Mill Lane, funded by a gift from his mother. Here he worked on the psychological basis of rhythm in music.
Psychology was looked down on by the Cambridge establishment, but Ludwig Wittgenstein was intrigued and regularly came to Mill Lane to work with Myers. "I had a discussion with Myers about the relations between Logic and Philosophy", he wrote to Bertrand Russell. "I was very candid and I am sure he thinks that I am the most arrogant devil who ever lived . . . . I think he was a bit less confused after the discussion than before." When the laboratory was opened to the public in 1913, Wittgenstein exhibited an apparatus for investigating the perception of rhythm. Perhaps influenced by Wittgenstein, Myers was moving away from biological determinism. The physiologists, he complained, "in their attempts to penetrate the reality of the known, were deliberately ignoring the knower". Experimental psychology made unrealistic assumptions, he came to believe. "The factor of feeling was expressly eliminated from our experiments on memory." Together with Rivers, Myers lobbied, unsuccessfully, for Cambridge to establish a mental health centre. He also criticized racial theories. The "mental characters" of a European peasant were "essentially the same as those of primitive communities", he insisted. "In temperament we meet the same variations in primitive as in civilized communities."
McDougall, in contrast, remained committed to biological explanations of human behaviour. He moved to Oxford, championed eugenics, and began to theorize about race and instinct. A quirky and difficult man, who had quarrelled with most of his associates, McDougall made a satisfactory marriage with the daughter of a chimney sweep in 1900 and began to repair his strained relationships with Rivers and Myers. In 1901, the three men were instrumental in the establishment of the British Psychological Society. And they shared a commitment to develop the treatment of mental illnesses. Psychoanalytic theories came to their attention with the publication of lectures Freud had delivered in 1910 at Clark University in Massachusetts. In 1913, Jung attended a medical congress in London and impressed McDougall. He arranged to visit Jung for analysis, but was frustrated by the outbreak of the First World War.
The war brought them all together again. The cohort of medical doctors, anthropologists and psychologists was now deployed in a new and contentious field: the treatment of soldiers traumatized by battle. (Shephard has published a study of military psychiatry, and this section of his book is particularly strong.) Myers had gone to France immediately the war broke out, and French psychiatrists had introduced him to soldiers who were suffering from strange symptoms – struck dumb, paralysed without any evident physical cause, or suffering from a total loss of memory. He concluded that these symptoms might sometimes be caused by the stress of battle, but that they might also have a physiological basis, resulting from close proximity to heavy explosions. In 1915, he published a description of "shell shock" in the British Medical Journal. In the following year he was appointed "Specialist in Nerve Shock" to the British army with the temporary rank of major.
The diagnosis was, however, vague, and it was also problematic in operational terms. One in six shell-shock patients were officers (who constituted only one in thirty of the fighting men). And when men diagnosed with shell shock were being evacuated from the front line, even returned to Britain, there were suspicions of faking. Manpower losses from shell shock became a serious drain. In one fortnight at the height of the Battle of the Somme, 2 Division had 2,400 wounded men and 501 cases of "shell-shock wounded". Myers was sidelined, clinics were set up near the front line to rehabilitate traumatized men, and the diagnosis of shell shock was shelved in favour of the pre-war categories of neurasthenia and hysteria.
But large numbers of soldiers had returned to Britain, wounded or psychologically incapacitated, and suffering acutely from depression: "nervous wrecks" was the common description. McDougall found himself "the head of a hospital section full of 'shell shock' cases, a most strange, wonderful and pitiful collection of nervously disordered soldiers". Elliot Smith was posted to Magull hospital near Liverpool, and recruited Rivers. They experimented with various methods, including the new talking therapy favoured by Freud and Jung, and began to pay special attention to dreams.
Rivers moved at the end of 1916 to Craiglockhart, in Scotland, a facility for officers who had been diagnosed with shell shock. He cherry-picked the most interesting cases, one of whom, famously, was Siegfried Sassoon, who had been sent there after making an anti-war protest. Sassoon recalled that at their first session he asked Rivers if he was suffering from shell shock.
"Certainly not", he replied.
"What have I got then?"
"Well, you appear to be suffering from an anti-war complex." We both of us laughed at that.
Rivers engaged critically with Freudian ideas. He reworked Freud's dream theory in a neglected classic, Conflict and Dreams, which was published posthumously, edited by Elliot Smith. But as Sassoon apparently recognized, Rivers could well have featured as a classical Freudian case study himself, tormented by homosexual desires. In 1914, Rivers had abandoned a young student, John Layard, on a remote Melanesian island, evidently unable to cope with a physical attraction that Layard himself was willing to express. "Rivers had obviously not recognized the whole homosexual content of our relationship, probably on both sides", Layard remarked. He also recalled that Rivers had "immense quantities of clever young men around him. He told me once that it was only the affection of young men that kept him alive". (Layard returned to England suffering from depression. Rivers attended him but many years later he attempted suicide, was treated by Jung, and eventually published a Jungian study of dream analysis.)
Rivers also suffered greatly from the strain of treating young officers only so that they could be sent back to the front, and he had to retire owing to nervous exhaustion. In 1922, while fighting the general election in the London University seat on behalf of the Labour Party, he had a fatal heart attack. In the same year the founding texts of the new functionalist anthropology were published, and his speculative history of Melanesian society was consigned to the scrapheap.
More broadly, in the 1920s structural-functional accounts replaced speculative historical approaches in the natural and social sciences. The brain was now seen as an intricate working organism, its parts functionally specialized. Societies were machines for living in, not deposits of archaeological strata. Academic psychologists set out to win respect by making psychology over into an experimental natural science, abandoning therapy.
The members of the cohort did not have the best of luck in the post-war world. Elliot Smith became a famous anatomist, but his reputation was badly damaged by his endorsement of the Piltdown forgery. (A hoaxer had put together a modern cranium and an ape's jaw and teeth, which led Elliot Smith to conclude that early hominids had highly developed brains.) McDougall was appointed to a chair at Harvard in 1919, but his advocacy of instinct theory, eugenics and racial determinism did not go down well. Nor did his enthusiasm for psychic research. American psychology was now "behaviorist" and experimental, and McDougall was regarded as a Victorian relic, "still thinking of himself as an Englishman in the British colonies", colleagues complained. He lost a small fortune in the stock market crash of 1929 and was then swindled over an oil well. ("The professor is noted for his experiments on animal behavior through tests made mostly with rats", the New York Times noted with some glee. "Seems this time he got caught by two oily ones.") Seligman became professor of ethnology at the London School of Economics, but in the 1920s he was sidelined by the charismatic Bronisław Malinowski. Myers was held responsible for the shell shock fiasco. ("There's no such thing as shell shock", General George S. Patton was to insist. "It's an invention of the Jews.")
"Although many of the answers which Rivers, McDougall and Elliot Smith gave have proved to be wrong, because in their time the data to answer them did not exist, the questions they posed are still relevant", Ben Shephard suggests. In fact their theories were discredited and their research programmes declared obsolete. And so they have largely been forgotten. Only Rivers has had an unexpected afterlife, resurrected in the imaginations of Siegfried Sassoon and Pat Barker. Yet this cohort of open-minded, cosmopolitan, adventurous young doctors was surely more interesting, more creative and more admirable than most of the narrow specialists who succeeded them.
The science of humans
The science of humans
Charles Seligman; from the book under review
Book Details
Ben Shephard
HEADHUNTERS
The search for a science of the mind
323pp. Bodley Head. £25.
978 1 84792 188 8
A network of eccentric, wilful, brilliant men prepared to try anything to advance the scientific understanding of human nature
ADAM KUPER
In the early twentieth century, a handful of Cambridge men, young medical doctors mostly, established modern anthropology, neuroscience, psychology and psychotherapy in Britain. Ben Shephard sums up their quest as "a search for a science of the mind", which was certainly a large part of it, but they were interested in a great many other things as well. They were close associates who influenced one another, but it would be a mistake to exaggerate the coherence of their projects or the extent to which they shared a common sense of what they were after. Because they were so eclectic and ranged so widely, they were not installed as ancestor figures in the disciplines into which the human sciences were beginning to fragment, even if they were influential in the committees that helped to shape the new professional institutions. Their names are therefore mostly unfamiliar today. Shephard rescues them from the oubliette of disciplinary histories and presents them as members of a cohort: a network of eccentric, wilful, brilliant men who were prepared to go anywhere, try anything, to advance the scientific understanding of human nature.
Central members of this cohort were brought together in the 1898 "Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits", that narrow stretch of sea, with numerous islands, which separates Australia and New Guinea. The expedition was organized by a zoologist, Alfred Haddon. Encouraged by Thomas Huxley, Haddon had visited the Torres Strait a year earlier to study tropical fauna and coral reefs. He became interested in the islanders and was tempted to take up anthropology, although Huxley did warn him that nobody could make a living at it. (Mrs Haddon pluckily remarked that "you may as well starve as an anthropologist as a zoologist".) Haddon then put together a scientific expedition to the Strait. The islanders seemed particularly interesting since they might constitute a link between the peoples of New Guinea and Indonesia and the Australian Aborigines, who represented for the Victorians the archetypal savage hunter-gatherers. And their origins were mysterious. The Cambridge team would study the anatomy, physiology, sense perception and sociology of the natives.
Haddon lectured on comparative anatomy in the Natural Sciences department in Cambridge alongside a young doctor, W. H. R. Rivers, who lectured on the sense organs. Rivers had studied experimental psychology at the leading school in the world, in Jena, in Germany, and developed an unfashionable interest in mental illnesses. Haddon invited him to lead the psychological side of the expedition, but Rivers hesitated until his two favourite students, William McDougall and C. S. Myers, signed on. He then told Haddon that after the recent death of his mother he felt run down and in need of a holiday. He would come along and pay his own way. Charles Seligman, a pathologist who was a friend and contemporary of Myers, also volunteered and was directed to join Rivers, Myers and McDougall in doing experiments on the sight and hearing of the islanders.
"I put the direction of the psychological department entirely into the hands of Rivers", Haddon reported, "and for the first time psychological observations were made on a backward people in their own country by trained psychologists with adequate equipment." Despite Haddon's optimism, their equipment turned out to be far from adequate in tropical conditions and they ended up doing quite simple experiments, but the results appeared to show that the sense perception of the islanders was not very different from that of Europeans. They might be better able to discriminate birds at a distance, but only because they had been trained to do so. Their colour vocabulary was undeveloped, but they could pick out the same shades of difference as an average Englishman. Personalities, too, were familiar. "The character of the natives appears to be as diverse as it would be in any English town", Myers remarked. Their cook was "the sturdy, plodding thick-set workman". Another man was "the best example of the high-strung nervous type: his excitement when he is telling a story is remarkable". And then there was Ulai, "the personification of cunning", who grasped what the expedition was after and sold Rivers a collection of rods that recorded his sexual conquests, explaining that at his age he would not be adding to their number.
Haddon directed the ethnological research. One coup was to persuade the Murray islanders to revive a male initiation ceremony that the missionaries had banned. Rivers found himself drawn to sociological issues, especially family and kinship. "While going over the various names which one man would apply to others, I was occasionally told that such and such a man would stop a fight, another would bury a dead man, and so on", he noted. "When the clues given by these occasional remarks were followed up it was found that there were certain very definite duties and privileges attached to certain bonds of kinship." Rivers went on to become the leading kinship theorist of his generation.
Studying hearing, Myers and Seligman collected recordings of local music. Then Seligman went off to do some ethnological work of his own in New Guinea, and Myers and McDougall made a difficult journey to Sarawak, where the administrator, Charles Hose, was orchestrating a peace conference between two groups of headhunters. Myers found it all rather trying, and objected particularly to having to do his daily rounds surrounded by pigs. "How much this distracts from the pleasures of defecation and subsequent pig eating", he complained. Nor could he get on with the local people. His one achievement was the collection of music recordings. McDougall fitted in rather better with the swashbuckling Hose and enjoyed the company of the headhunters. He was tempted to make a career of anthropology. However, he decided that it was too easy and instead went to Germany to master the latest experimental methods in psychology.
Another Cambridge friend of Rivers was a young Australian doctor, Grafton Elliot Smith, who had been studying the brains of marsupials. When the Haddon team set out for the Torres Strait, Elliot Smith went to Cairo as professor of anatomy at the medical school. Rivers turned up in Egypt in 1900, to investigate the colour vision of the Egyptians in order to establish a comparison with the Torres Strait islanders. His experimental subjects were labourers working for another former member of the Torres Strait team, Anthony Wilken, who was doing archaeological research. Rivers brought Elliot Smith in to examine the human remains that Wilken had uncovered, and especially the well-preserved brains of pre-dynastic people. Elliot Smith soon became a world authority on the human brain. He modelled the brain's structure as though it was an archaeological site, the different levels supposedly reflecting evolutionary advances. The neocortex, shared by all mammals, controlled basic functions while the prefrontal area was the seat of more advanced abilities.
Elliot Smith also began to develop theories about Egyptology and anthropology. His most famous idea was that the wonders of ancient Egypt were created not by Africans but by northern invaders, and that civilization had then spread from Egypt to all the corners of the world. Rivers was impressed, and he now decided that Melanesia had been transformed by an invasion of more advanced peoples. Seligman, who had gone on to do ethnological fieldwork in the Sudan, also adopted Elliot Smith's thesis and argued that the most advanced African civilizations were the work of light-skinned "Hamitic" invaders who had passed through Egypt. The great African pro-consul, Lord Lugard, was a convert to this doctine, which had an obvious appeal to colonialists.
Rivers, more and more absorbed by ethnology and, engaged in writing his great work, The History of Melanesian Society, found the time to collaborate in a famous experiment with his friend Henry Head, another young doctor who had studied experimental psychology in Germany and Czechoslovakia. Investigating the perception of pain, Head had two cutaneous nerves on his left forearm severed. Every Friday for the next four years, he visited Rivers in his college rooms to chart the process of regeneration and the areas of acute sensitivity. Echoing Elliot Smith's ideas about the evolutionary levels of the brain, Rivers and Head decided that the nervous system contained two layers: one older and more primitive; the other more subtle and localized. They speculated that the two systems "owed their origin to the developmental history of the nervous system. They reveal the means by which an imperfect organism has struggled towards improved functions and physical unity". And this "could be seen as a metaphor for the triumph of civilization over savagery in human history". Frederic Bartlett, a student of Rivers who went on to become a leading psychologist in the next generation, noted that this metaphor informed all Rivers's later theories in physiology, psychology and anthropology. The structure of every human organ, every social institution, revealed cumulative layers of progressive development.
Myers and McDougall stuck with psychology but developed very different approaches. Myers became an anti-racist and a humanist. McDougall was a biological determinist, although he did become president of the English Society for Psychical Research.
Like Rivers, Myers initially took an evolutionary view: "The primitive mind first or the child mind, if you like; then the industrial mind; and the abnormal last of all: that seems to me the natural order, since each in a sense implies the last". He moved from St Bartholomew's Hospital in London to Cambridge to work with Rivers, and set up a small laboratory in a cottage in Mill Lane, funded by a gift from his mother. Here he worked on the psychological basis of rhythm in music.
Psychology was looked down on by the Cambridge establishment, but Ludwig Wittgenstein was intrigued and regularly came to Mill Lane to work with Myers. "I had a discussion with Myers about the relations between Logic and Philosophy", he wrote to Bertrand Russell. "I was very candid and I am sure he thinks that I am the most arrogant devil who ever lived . . . . I think he was a bit less confused after the discussion than before." When the laboratory was opened to the public in 1913, Wittgenstein exhibited an apparatus for investigating the perception of rhythm. Perhaps influenced by Wittgenstein, Myers was moving away from biological determinism. The physiologists, he complained, "in their attempts to penetrate the reality of the known, were deliberately ignoring the knower". Experimental psychology made unrealistic assumptions, he came to believe. "The factor of feeling was expressly eliminated from our experiments on memory." Together with Rivers, Myers lobbied, unsuccessfully, for Cambridge to establish a mental health centre. He also criticized racial theories. The "mental characters" of a European peasant were "essentially the same as those of primitive communities", he insisted. "In temperament we meet the same variations in primitive as in civilized communities."
McDougall, in contrast, remained committed to biological explanations of human behaviour. He moved to Oxford, championed eugenics, and began to theorize about race and instinct. A quirky and difficult man, who had quarrelled with most of his associates, McDougall made a satisfactory marriage with the daughter of a chimney sweep in 1900 and began to repair his strained relationships with Rivers and Myers. In 1901, the three men were instrumental in the establishment of the British Psychological Society. And they shared a commitment to develop the treatment of mental illnesses. Psychoanalytic theories came to their attention with the publication of lectures Freud had delivered in 1910 at Clark University in Massachusetts. In 1913, Jung attended a medical congress in London and impressed McDougall. He arranged to visit Jung for analysis, but was frustrated by the outbreak of the First World War.
The war brought them all together again. The cohort of medical doctors, anthropologists and psychologists was now deployed in a new and contentious field: the treatment of soldiers traumatized by battle. (Shephard has published a study of military psychiatry, and this section of his book is particularly strong.) Myers had gone to France immediately the war broke out, and French psychiatrists had introduced him to soldiers who were suffering from strange symptoms – struck dumb, paralysed without any evident physical cause, or suffering from a total loss of memory. He concluded that these symptoms might sometimes be caused by the stress of battle, but that they might also have a physiological basis, resulting from close proximity to heavy explosions. In 1915, he published a description of "shell shock" in the British Medical Journal. In the following year he was appointed "Specialist in Nerve Shock" to the British army with the temporary rank of major.
The diagnosis was, however, vague, and it was also problematic in operational terms. One in six shell-shock patients were officers (who constituted only one in thirty of the fighting men). And when men diagnosed with shell shock were being evacuated from the front line, even returned to Britain, there were suspicions of faking. Manpower losses from shell shock became a serious drain. In one fortnight at the height of the Battle of the Somme, 2 Division had 2,400 wounded men and 501 cases of "shell-shock wounded". Myers was sidelined, clinics were set up near the front line to rehabilitate traumatized men, and the diagnosis of shell shock was shelved in favour of the pre-war categories of neurasthenia and hysteria.
But large numbers of soldiers had returned to Britain, wounded or psychologically incapacitated, and suffering acutely from depression: "nervous wrecks" was the common description. McDougall found himself "the head of a hospital section full of 'shell shock' cases, a most strange, wonderful and pitiful collection of nervously disordered soldiers". Elliot Smith was posted to Magull hospital near Liverpool, and recruited Rivers. They experimented with various methods, including the new talking therapy favoured by Freud and Jung, and began to pay special attention to dreams.
Rivers moved at the end of 1916 to Craiglockhart, in Scotland, a facility for officers who had been diagnosed with shell shock. He cherry-picked the most interesting cases, one of whom, famously, was Siegfried Sassoon, who had been sent there after making an anti-war protest. Sassoon recalled that at their first session he asked Rivers if he was suffering from shell shock.
"Certainly not", he replied.
"What have I got then?"
"Well, you appear to be suffering from an anti-war complex." We both of us laughed at that.
Rivers engaged critically with Freudian ideas. He reworked Freud's dream theory in a neglected classic, Conflict and Dreams, which was published posthumously, edited by Elliot Smith. But as Sassoon apparently recognized, Rivers could well have featured as a classical Freudian case study himself, tormented by homosexual desires. In 1914, Rivers had abandoned a young student, John Layard, on a remote Melanesian island, evidently unable to cope with a physical attraction that Layard himself was willing to express. "Rivers had obviously not recognized the whole homosexual content of our relationship, probably on both sides", Layard remarked. He also recalled that Rivers had "immense quantities of clever young men around him. He told me once that it was only the affection of young men that kept him alive". (Layard returned to England suffering from depression. Rivers attended him but many years later he attempted suicide, was treated by Jung, and eventually published a Jungian study of dream analysis.)
Rivers also suffered greatly from the strain of treating young officers only so that they could be sent back to the front, and he had to retire owing to nervous exhaustion. In 1922, while fighting the general election in the London University seat on behalf of the Labour Party, he had a fatal heart attack. In the same year the founding texts of the new functionalist anthropology were published, and his speculative history of Melanesian society was consigned to the scrapheap.
More broadly, in the 1920s structural-functional accounts replaced speculative historical approaches in the natural and social sciences. The brain was now seen as an intricate working organism, its parts functionally specialized. Societies were machines for living in, not deposits of archaeological strata. Academic psychologists set out to win respect by making psychology over into an experimental natural science, abandoning therapy.
The members of the cohort did not have the best of luck in the post-war world. Elliot Smith became a famous anatomist, but his reputation was badly damaged by his endorsement of the Piltdown forgery. (A hoaxer had put together a modern cranium and an ape's jaw and teeth, which led Elliot Smith to conclude that early hominids had highly developed brains.) McDougall was appointed to a chair at Harvard in 1919, but his advocacy of instinct theory, eugenics and racial determinism did not go down well. Nor did his enthusiasm for psychic research. American psychology was now "behaviorist" and experimental, and McDougall was regarded as a Victorian relic, "still thinking of himself as an Englishman in the British colonies", colleagues complained. He lost a small fortune in the stock market crash of 1929 and was then swindled over an oil well. ("The professor is noted for his experiments on animal behavior through tests made mostly with rats", the New York Times noted with some glee. "Seems this time he got caught by two oily ones.") Seligman became professor of ethnology at the London School of Economics, but in the 1920s he was sidelined by the charismatic Bronisław Malinowski. Myers was held responsible for the shell shock fiasco. ("There's no such thing as shell shock", General George S. Patton was to insist. "It's an invention of the Jews.")
"Although many of the answers which Rivers, McDougall and Elliot Smith gave have proved to be wrong, because in their time the data to answer them did not exist, the questions they posed are still relevant", Ben Shephard suggests. In fact their theories were discredited and their research programmes declared obsolete. And so they have largely been forgotten. Only Rivers has had an unexpected afterlife, resurrected in the imaginations of Siegfried Sassoon and Pat Barker. Yet this cohort of open-minded, cosmopolitan, adventurous young doctors was surely more interesting, more creative and more admirable than most of the narrow specialists who succeeded them.
Charles Seligman; from the book under review
Book Details
Ben Shephard
HEADHUNTERS
The search for a science of the mind
323pp. Bodley Head. £25.
978 1 84792 188 8
A network of eccentric, wilful, brilliant men prepared to try anything to advance the scientific understanding of human nature
ADAM KUPER
In the early twentieth century, a handful of Cambridge men, young medical doctors mostly, established modern anthropology, neuroscience, psychology and psychotherapy in Britain. Ben Shephard sums up their quest as "a search for a science of the mind", which was certainly a large part of it, but they were interested in a great many other things as well. They were close associates who influenced one another, but it would be a mistake to exaggerate the coherence of their projects or the extent to which they shared a common sense of what they were after. Because they were so eclectic and ranged so widely, they were not installed as ancestor figures in the disciplines into which the human sciences were beginning to fragment, even if they were influential in the committees that helped to shape the new professional institutions. Their names are therefore mostly unfamiliar today. Shephard rescues them from the oubliette of disciplinary histories and presents them as members of a cohort: a network of eccentric, wilful, brilliant men who were prepared to go anywhere, try anything, to advance the scientific understanding of human nature.
Central members of this cohort were brought together in the 1898 "Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits", that narrow stretch of sea, with numerous islands, which separates Australia and New Guinea. The expedition was organized by a zoologist, Alfred Haddon. Encouraged by Thomas Huxley, Haddon had visited the Torres Strait a year earlier to study tropical fauna and coral reefs. He became interested in the islanders and was tempted to take up anthropology, although Huxley did warn him that nobody could make a living at it. (Mrs Haddon pluckily remarked that "you may as well starve as an anthropologist as a zoologist".) Haddon then put together a scientific expedition to the Strait. The islanders seemed particularly interesting since they might constitute a link between the peoples of New Guinea and Indonesia and the Australian Aborigines, who represented for the Victorians the archetypal savage hunter-gatherers. And their origins were mysterious. The Cambridge team would study the anatomy, physiology, sense perception and sociology of the natives.
Haddon lectured on comparative anatomy in the Natural Sciences department in Cambridge alongside a young doctor, W. H. R. Rivers, who lectured on the sense organs. Rivers had studied experimental psychology at the leading school in the world, in Jena, in Germany, and developed an unfashionable interest in mental illnesses. Haddon invited him to lead the psychological side of the expedition, but Rivers hesitated until his two favourite students, William McDougall and C. S. Myers, signed on. He then told Haddon that after the recent death of his mother he felt run down and in need of a holiday. He would come along and pay his own way. Charles Seligman, a pathologist who was a friend and contemporary of Myers, also volunteered and was directed to join Rivers, Myers and McDougall in doing experiments on the sight and hearing of the islanders.
"I put the direction of the psychological department entirely into the hands of Rivers", Haddon reported, "and for the first time psychological observations were made on a backward people in their own country by trained psychologists with adequate equipment." Despite Haddon's optimism, their equipment turned out to be far from adequate in tropical conditions and they ended up doing quite simple experiments, but the results appeared to show that the sense perception of the islanders was not very different from that of Europeans. They might be better able to discriminate birds at a distance, but only because they had been trained to do so. Their colour vocabulary was undeveloped, but they could pick out the same shades of difference as an average Englishman. Personalities, too, were familiar. "The character of the natives appears to be as diverse as it would be in any English town", Myers remarked. Their cook was "the sturdy, plodding thick-set workman". Another man was "the best example of the high-strung nervous type: his excitement when he is telling a story is remarkable". And then there was Ulai, "the personification of cunning", who grasped what the expedition was after and sold Rivers a collection of rods that recorded his sexual conquests, explaining that at his age he would not be adding to their number.
Haddon directed the ethnological research. One coup was to persuade the Murray islanders to revive a male initiation ceremony that the missionaries had banned. Rivers found himself drawn to sociological issues, especially family and kinship. "While going over the various names which one man would apply to others, I was occasionally told that such and such a man would stop a fight, another would bury a dead man, and so on", he noted. "When the clues given by these occasional remarks were followed up it was found that there were certain very definite duties and privileges attached to certain bonds of kinship." Rivers went on to become the leading kinship theorist of his generation.
Studying hearing, Myers and Seligman collected recordings of local music. Then Seligman went off to do some ethnological work of his own in New Guinea, and Myers and McDougall made a difficult journey to Sarawak, where the administrator, Charles Hose, was orchestrating a peace conference between two groups of headhunters. Myers found it all rather trying, and objected particularly to having to do his daily rounds surrounded by pigs. "How much this distracts from the pleasures of defecation and subsequent pig eating", he complained. Nor could he get on with the local people. His one achievement was the collection of music recordings. McDougall fitted in rather better with the swashbuckling Hose and enjoyed the company of the headhunters. He was tempted to make a career of anthropology. However, he decided that it was too easy and instead went to Germany to master the latest experimental methods in psychology.
Another Cambridge friend of Rivers was a young Australian doctor, Grafton Elliot Smith, who had been studying the brains of marsupials. When the Haddon team set out for the Torres Strait, Elliot Smith went to Cairo as professor of anatomy at the medical school. Rivers turned up in Egypt in 1900, to investigate the colour vision of the Egyptians in order to establish a comparison with the Torres Strait islanders. His experimental subjects were labourers working for another former member of the Torres Strait team, Anthony Wilken, who was doing archaeological research. Rivers brought Elliot Smith in to examine the human remains that Wilken had uncovered, and especially the well-preserved brains of pre-dynastic people. Elliot Smith soon became a world authority on the human brain. He modelled the brain's structure as though it was an archaeological site, the different levels supposedly reflecting evolutionary advances. The neocortex, shared by all mammals, controlled basic functions while the prefrontal area was the seat of more advanced abilities.
Elliot Smith also began to develop theories about Egyptology and anthropology. His most famous idea was that the wonders of ancient Egypt were created not by Africans but by northern invaders, and that civilization had then spread from Egypt to all the corners of the world. Rivers was impressed, and he now decided that Melanesia had been transformed by an invasion of more advanced peoples. Seligman, who had gone on to do ethnological fieldwork in the Sudan, also adopted Elliot Smith's thesis and argued that the most advanced African civilizations were the work of light-skinned "Hamitic" invaders who had passed through Egypt. The great African pro-consul, Lord Lugard, was a convert to this doctine, which had an obvious appeal to colonialists.
Rivers, more and more absorbed by ethnology and, engaged in writing his great work, The History of Melanesian Society, found the time to collaborate in a famous experiment with his friend Henry Head, another young doctor who had studied experimental psychology in Germany and Czechoslovakia. Investigating the perception of pain, Head had two cutaneous nerves on his left forearm severed. Every Friday for the next four years, he visited Rivers in his college rooms to chart the process of regeneration and the areas of acute sensitivity. Echoing Elliot Smith's ideas about the evolutionary levels of the brain, Rivers and Head decided that the nervous system contained two layers: one older and more primitive; the other more subtle and localized. They speculated that the two systems "owed their origin to the developmental history of the nervous system. They reveal the means by which an imperfect organism has struggled towards improved functions and physical unity". And this "could be seen as a metaphor for the triumph of civilization over savagery in human history". Frederic Bartlett, a student of Rivers who went on to become a leading psychologist in the next generation, noted that this metaphor informed all Rivers's later theories in physiology, psychology and anthropology. The structure of every human organ, every social institution, revealed cumulative layers of progressive development.
Myers and McDougall stuck with psychology but developed very different approaches. Myers became an anti-racist and a humanist. McDougall was a biological determinist, although he did become president of the English Society for Psychical Research.
Like Rivers, Myers initially took an evolutionary view: "The primitive mind first or the child mind, if you like; then the industrial mind; and the abnormal last of all: that seems to me the natural order, since each in a sense implies the last". He moved from St Bartholomew's Hospital in London to Cambridge to work with Rivers, and set up a small laboratory in a cottage in Mill Lane, funded by a gift from his mother. Here he worked on the psychological basis of rhythm in music.
Psychology was looked down on by the Cambridge establishment, but Ludwig Wittgenstein was intrigued and regularly came to Mill Lane to work with Myers. "I had a discussion with Myers about the relations between Logic and Philosophy", he wrote to Bertrand Russell. "I was very candid and I am sure he thinks that I am the most arrogant devil who ever lived . . . . I think he was a bit less confused after the discussion than before." When the laboratory was opened to the public in 1913, Wittgenstein exhibited an apparatus for investigating the perception of rhythm. Perhaps influenced by Wittgenstein, Myers was moving away from biological determinism. The physiologists, he complained, "in their attempts to penetrate the reality of the known, were deliberately ignoring the knower". Experimental psychology made unrealistic assumptions, he came to believe. "The factor of feeling was expressly eliminated from our experiments on memory." Together with Rivers, Myers lobbied, unsuccessfully, for Cambridge to establish a mental health centre. He also criticized racial theories. The "mental characters" of a European peasant were "essentially the same as those of primitive communities", he insisted. "In temperament we meet the same variations in primitive as in civilized communities."
McDougall, in contrast, remained committed to biological explanations of human behaviour. He moved to Oxford, championed eugenics, and began to theorize about race and instinct. A quirky and difficult man, who had quarrelled with most of his associates, McDougall made a satisfactory marriage with the daughter of a chimney sweep in 1900 and began to repair his strained relationships with Rivers and Myers. In 1901, the three men were instrumental in the establishment of the British Psychological Society. And they shared a commitment to develop the treatment of mental illnesses. Psychoanalytic theories came to their attention with the publication of lectures Freud had delivered in 1910 at Clark University in Massachusetts. In 1913, Jung attended a medical congress in London and impressed McDougall. He arranged to visit Jung for analysis, but was frustrated by the outbreak of the First World War.
The war brought them all together again. The cohort of medical doctors, anthropologists and psychologists was now deployed in a new and contentious field: the treatment of soldiers traumatized by battle. (Shephard has published a study of military psychiatry, and this section of his book is particularly strong.) Myers had gone to France immediately the war broke out, and French psychiatrists had introduced him to soldiers who were suffering from strange symptoms – struck dumb, paralysed without any evident physical cause, or suffering from a total loss of memory. He concluded that these symptoms might sometimes be caused by the stress of battle, but that they might also have a physiological basis, resulting from close proximity to heavy explosions. In 1915, he published a description of "shell shock" in the British Medical Journal. In the following year he was appointed "Specialist in Nerve Shock" to the British army with the temporary rank of major.
The diagnosis was, however, vague, and it was also problematic in operational terms. One in six shell-shock patients were officers (who constituted only one in thirty of the fighting men). And when men diagnosed with shell shock were being evacuated from the front line, even returned to Britain, there were suspicions of faking. Manpower losses from shell shock became a serious drain. In one fortnight at the height of the Battle of the Somme, 2 Division had 2,400 wounded men and 501 cases of "shell-shock wounded". Myers was sidelined, clinics were set up near the front line to rehabilitate traumatized men, and the diagnosis of shell shock was shelved in favour of the pre-war categories of neurasthenia and hysteria.
But large numbers of soldiers had returned to Britain, wounded or psychologically incapacitated, and suffering acutely from depression: "nervous wrecks" was the common description. McDougall found himself "the head of a hospital section full of 'shell shock' cases, a most strange, wonderful and pitiful collection of nervously disordered soldiers". Elliot Smith was posted to Magull hospital near Liverpool, and recruited Rivers. They experimented with various methods, including the new talking therapy favoured by Freud and Jung, and began to pay special attention to dreams.
Rivers moved at the end of 1916 to Craiglockhart, in Scotland, a facility for officers who had been diagnosed with shell shock. He cherry-picked the most interesting cases, one of whom, famously, was Siegfried Sassoon, who had been sent there after making an anti-war protest. Sassoon recalled that at their first session he asked Rivers if he was suffering from shell shock.
"Certainly not", he replied.
"What have I got then?"
"Well, you appear to be suffering from an anti-war complex." We both of us laughed at that.
Rivers engaged critically with Freudian ideas. He reworked Freud's dream theory in a neglected classic, Conflict and Dreams, which was published posthumously, edited by Elliot Smith. But as Sassoon apparently recognized, Rivers could well have featured as a classical Freudian case study himself, tormented by homosexual desires. In 1914, Rivers had abandoned a young student, John Layard, on a remote Melanesian island, evidently unable to cope with a physical attraction that Layard himself was willing to express. "Rivers had obviously not recognized the whole homosexual content of our relationship, probably on both sides", Layard remarked. He also recalled that Rivers had "immense quantities of clever young men around him. He told me once that it was only the affection of young men that kept him alive". (Layard returned to England suffering from depression. Rivers attended him but many years later he attempted suicide, was treated by Jung, and eventually published a Jungian study of dream analysis.)
Rivers also suffered greatly from the strain of treating young officers only so that they could be sent back to the front, and he had to retire owing to nervous exhaustion. In 1922, while fighting the general election in the London University seat on behalf of the Labour Party, he had a fatal heart attack. In the same year the founding texts of the new functionalist anthropology were published, and his speculative history of Melanesian society was consigned to the scrapheap.
More broadly, in the 1920s structural-functional accounts replaced speculative historical approaches in the natural and social sciences. The brain was now seen as an intricate working organism, its parts functionally specialized. Societies were machines for living in, not deposits of archaeological strata. Academic psychologists set out to win respect by making psychology over into an experimental natural science, abandoning therapy.
The members of the cohort did not have the best of luck in the post-war world. Elliot Smith became a famous anatomist, but his reputation was badly damaged by his endorsement of the Piltdown forgery. (A hoaxer had put together a modern cranium and an ape's jaw and teeth, which led Elliot Smith to conclude that early hominids had highly developed brains.) McDougall was appointed to a chair at Harvard in 1919, but his advocacy of instinct theory, eugenics and racial determinism did not go down well. Nor did his enthusiasm for psychic research. American psychology was now "behaviorist" and experimental, and McDougall was regarded as a Victorian relic, "still thinking of himself as an Englishman in the British colonies", colleagues complained. He lost a small fortune in the stock market crash of 1929 and was then swindled over an oil well. ("The professor is noted for his experiments on animal behavior through tests made mostly with rats", the New York Times noted with some glee. "Seems this time he got caught by two oily ones.") Seligman became professor of ethnology at the London School of Economics, but in the 1920s he was sidelined by the charismatic Bronisław Malinowski. Myers was held responsible for the shell shock fiasco. ("There's no such thing as shell shock", General George S. Patton was to insist. "It's an invention of the Jews.")
"Although many of the answers which Rivers, McDougall and Elliot Smith gave have proved to be wrong, because in their time the data to answer them did not exist, the questions they posed are still relevant", Ben Shephard suggests. In fact their theories were discredited and their research programmes declared obsolete. And so they have largely been forgotten. Only Rivers has had an unexpected afterlife, resurrected in the imaginations of Siegfried Sassoon and Pat Barker. Yet this cohort of open-minded, cosmopolitan, adventurous young doctors was surely more interesting, more creative and more admirable than most of the narrow specialists who succeeded them.
Friday, 4 July 2014
Austen’s Adlestrop
Austen's Adlestrop
Stoneleigh Abbey, Pictures in Colour of Warwickshire, c.1905
Book Details
Victoria Huxley
JANE AUSTEN AND ADLESTROP
Her other family
240pp. Windrush. Paperback, £10.99 (US $26.95).
978 0 9575150 2 4
The writer's "other family" – the Leighs – and their English village
CLAIRE HARMAN
"Adlestrop": the name only was enough to conjure an essential Englishness in Edward Thomas's mind, all the more fragile and fugitive because of the threat of war. His poem is now Adlestrop's greatest claim to fame and is inscribed on a plaque underneath the station sign that Thomas saw from his carriage window – a fit emblem of the village's conceptual status, perhaps, since the station itself was pulled down after the axeing of local train services in 1966. "Only the name" remains.
Had Edward Thomas left the train and wandered into Adlestrop village on that summer afternoon in 1914, he might have discovered its links with another epitome of Englishness, Jane Austen, who made three recorded (and probably other) visits there in the 1790s and 1800s to see her mother's cousins Thomas, Mary and Elizabeth Leigh at the rectory and her second cousin James Henry Leigh at the "big house", Adlestrop Park. The village is still centred on these two properties, with the church, manor farm and a string of cottages along the main street making up the rest. Victoria Huxley, a local historian and long-term resident, ingeniously uses the social history of this quiet Gloucestershire backwater and the grand Leigh family estate 60 miles north at Stoneleigh in Warwickshire as a window into, and perhaps out of, conventional Austen biography. What could be more appropriate to a writer who declared herself contented with the study of "three or four families in a country village" than to observe how enclosure, war and fashions such as "improvement" played out in a place familiar to her and detail some of the real-life dramas that gave ballast to Austen's fictional ones?
Jane Austen's "other family", the Leighs, were not short of glamour. Related by marriage to the dukes of Chandos, they had been significant landowners for centuries, public servants, scholars and eccentrics, all fiercely loyal to the Stuart cause. Sir Thomas Leigh was awarded a peerage after sheltering Charles I at Stoneleigh during the Civil War; several generations later at Adlestrop, the family was still drinking to "Church and King" before every meal. Mrs Austen was particularly proud of the Leighs' intellectual distinction: the fifth Lord Leigh was a discriminating bibliophile (whose library became a valuable bequest to Oriel College), her uncle Theophilus was a famous Oxford wit and Master of Balliol for over fifty years, and her cousin Mary pursued numerous independent scholarly and artistic interests from her home in Adlestrop Rectory. Mary Leigh's unpublished family history – astutely and extensively used by Victoria Huxley – has literary qualities that go far beyond the standard home-circle text; and she and her sister Cassandra Cooke both wrote novels too (Mary's haven't survived), which must have interested Jane Austen if only as examples of production and circulation. That Mary Leigh observed and approved of her Steventon cousins is clear from her thumbnail sketch of them in the "History", comparing their "simplicity of hospitality & taste" with that "which commonly prevailed in affluent families among the delightful valleys of Switzerland". Huxley unpicks this glancing tribute to egalitarian views and liberal manners, suggesting it is a benign way of describing what Jane's niece, snobbish Lady Knatchbull, later described as a lack of "refinement" among her Hampshire relations.
The Leigh anecdotes that appear in Mary Leigh's History must have been familiar to Jane Austen from an early age. She used at least one of them in a novel: Elizabeth Lord, an aunt of Thomas Leigh on his mother's side, went against her family's wishes by falling in love with a lowly Lieutenant Wentworth, a story – and name – that seems to have inspired parts of Persuasion. The improvements that took place at both Adlestrop Park and Stoneleigh Abbey at the turn of the century under the direction of Humphrey Repton, the most fashionable landscape architect of the day, fed directly into the Sotherton episodes in Mansfield Park (and Repton is one of very few real-life characters to be mentioned in Austen's fiction), and Huxley points out how each of Austen's novels has some reference to "Improvement": the management of estates and the relation between landscapes and purse-strings. It is at this subcutaneous level that the importance to Jane Austen of places like Adlestrop and Stoneleigh becomes most interesting.
Adlestrop was never insulated from the general rise and fall of prosperity. The Leighs probably saved their estate early in the eighteenth century by decamping to Utrecht for five years to economize (rather like Sir Walter Elliot letting Kellynch Hall in Persuasion, only with better results). By mid-century, the family was prosperous enough to renovate and gothicize Adlestrop Park in fine style, and the careful inventory made when James Leigh died suddenly in 1774 is a snapshot of a well-run home, with every bottle of old Madeira, every piece of linen and even the coins found in the master's pocket when he keeled over being scrupulously accounted for.
The heir, James Henry Leigh, didn't take up residence in Adlestrop until after his marriage twelve years later. He had spent the interval living in the ducal residences of his maternal uncle. He set about a new generation of improvements, calling in Repton and his Red Book to transform the look and shape of the Park, and thereby the village. The Adlestrop Leighs were also quick to exploit the opportunities that Enclosure Acts offered. Thomas Leigh, rector of the village for fifty years, enclosed the green and diverted a road for his own benefit, while James Henry grabbed a bit of the churchyard to add to the Park's pleasure grounds. Jane Austen had a ringside view of all these changes on her visits in 1794, 1799 and 1806, though she is unlikely to have approved of them much. Her taste was more for untouched backwaters such as Thornton Lacey in Mansfield Park and the centuries-old landscape around Donwell Abbey in Emma: "It was a sweet view – sweet to the eye and the mind. English verdure, English culture, English comfort, seen under a bright sun, without being oppressive".
Austen is often criticized for being too materialistic a novelist, but her intense interest in property and money seems reasonable given the insecurity of the Austen family – always one sibling or one godparent away from a big legacy – by comparison with the fortunate Leighs. Huxley's careful explanation of the flow of money through the two families reveals the extent of the Austens' disappointments better than ever before. Stoneleigh, a former Cistercian monastery grandly remodelled in the eighteenth century, was always on a different scale from Adlestrop, and belonged to another branch of the Leigh family until the death in 1806 of the Hon. Mary Leigh, an eccentric and childless recluse. Her brother's ambiguously worded will then came fully into operation, leaving the property to "the first and nearest of his kindred, being male and of his blood and name". This formula had been exercising the family for two decades, prompting some strategic name-changes, but in 1806 the most direct heir seemed to be James Henry Leigh, of Adlestrop Park. His uncle Thomas, the rector, was older, however, so a compromise was reached: Thomas inherited a life interest in the munificent estate, bequeathing it to James Henry and buying out another claimant cousin, James Leigh Perrot (Mrs Austen's brother), with a whopping £50,000.
Mrs Austen and her daughters Cassandra and Jane were visiting Adlestrop Rectory at exactly the time that the will was being executed and went with the Revd Mr Leigh into Warwickshire to take possession of his prize. None of Jane's letters of 1806 has survived, but we can guess some of the impression the vast house made on her, with its old picture gallery, chapel, dozens of bedrooms and sweeping parkland from similar descriptions of Sotherton in Mansfield Park and from the grandeur of Pemberley in Pride and Prejudice (though Darcy's income of £10,000 a year was significantly less than Mary Leigh's). Northanger Abbey also had its fair share of Stoneleigh, as is clear from Mrs Austen's lively letter to her daughter-in-law, which, as Huxley says, could have been written by Catherine Morland herself. "I had figured to myself long Avenues dark Rookeries and Dismal Yew Trees, but there was no such melancholy things", Mrs Austen reported. But there were gothic thrills to be found in the old state Bed Chamber "with a high crimson Velvet Bed: an alarming apartment just fit for a Heroine".
Widowed Mrs Austen clearly expected some benefit to her own family from her cousins' and brother's good fortune, but perhaps Jane's satire on the self-interest of the Dashwoods in Sense and Sensibility (a novel she was rewriting between 1805 and 1811) reflects a less sanguine view of the probable outcome. In a painfully believable scene, the new heir to Norland is happy to interpret his father's dying wishes (that his stepmother and half-sisters should be looked after) as a prompt to haphazard and limited patronage. The feelgood factor he and his wife manufacture is feeling good about retaining more resources for themselves. The Leigh Perrots did this in real life, and claimed the added bonus of holding out to their worse-off relatives the promise that all would be made good in the future, which it was not.
When James Leigh Perrot died in March 1817, he left everything to his wife during her lifetime; nothing at all to his sister and sums to her children, including a substantial bequest to Jane's eldest brother James, that would only be paid on Mrs Leigh Perrot's death. The whole Steventon family was perturbed by the news, and Jane, who was terminally ill in the spring of 1817, quite overset by it: "I am ashamed to say that the shock of my Uncle's Will brought on a relapse", she wrote to Cassandra. "I am the only one of the Legatees who has been so silly, but a weak body must excuse weak nerves." Jane, of course, never saw the £1,000 promised her, but nor did James receive his much-mentioned jackpot, as Aunt Leigh Perrot outlived them both by many years.
These family dramas have been documented before, but the charm of Victoria Huxley's book is its grounding in location, putting this strand of Jane Austen's family history in place physically and emotionally. At times, there's an almost parodic affinity with a traditional tour guide – "Let us return to our perambulation into the heart of Adlestrop up Main Street's gentle incline" – but Huxley's intimate knowledge of the village and affection for it offers up other, deeper perspectives. When she reconstructs what Jane Austen might have seen on a walk, it is with a keen eye to what remains today: "When the weather is dry, the old track over which Jane's coach would have travelled can be clearly seen like a shadow on the manicured grass of the cricket ground". And she understands the changes in mood that a landscape can undergo. In Adlestrop Park, small adjustments to Repton's design over the years have erased his intentions, creating an eerie secrecy around the lake, sensitively evoked by the author:
"Perhaps because of its present isolation, the lake has a curious still atmosphere due to the surrounding mature trees that are mirrored in the opaque waters. In the summer the edges are threaded with yellow flags and meadowsweet and glistening white water lilies lie on the lake's surface. Swans, moorhens, herons, coots and mallards enjoy the lake and there is even a terrapin which basks in the sun on a jutting tree root on hot days. In the winter the water freezes frequently."
The quiet of latterday Adlestrop would have struck the forward-thinking Leighs and their cousins as bizarre and ominous. A stump is all that remains of the traditional place to gossip, the village pump, and it is perfectly possible nowadays, Huxley reports, "to walk through the village without seeing anyone in the street or in the surrounding fields", compared with 1801, when there were almost exactly the same number of dwellings but a third again as many inhabitants. In the century since Edward Thomas's train halted at the station, it is not just the station which has gone, but the smithy, the watermill and all but one shop (doubling as a post office). There's only one bus a week to this abandoned corner of rural England, but at least that isn't a Cotswold tourist bus. Adlestrop isn't sufficiently picturesque to attract such traffic, and is so small, as Victoria Huxley notes, that many strangers drive through before they notice they've arrived. Pragmatic Jane Austen would have found some comfort in that. Being nowhere in particular might be what has enabled this "quintessentially English" village to survive.
Stoneleigh Abbey, Pictures in Colour of Warwickshire, c.1905
Book Details
Victoria Huxley
JANE AUSTEN AND ADLESTROP
Her other family
240pp. Windrush. Paperback, £10.99 (US $26.95).
978 0 9575150 2 4
The writer's "other family" – the Leighs – and their English village
CLAIRE HARMAN
"Adlestrop": the name only was enough to conjure an essential Englishness in Edward Thomas's mind, all the more fragile and fugitive because of the threat of war. His poem is now Adlestrop's greatest claim to fame and is inscribed on a plaque underneath the station sign that Thomas saw from his carriage window – a fit emblem of the village's conceptual status, perhaps, since the station itself was pulled down after the axeing of local train services in 1966. "Only the name" remains.
Had Edward Thomas left the train and wandered into Adlestrop village on that summer afternoon in 1914, he might have discovered its links with another epitome of Englishness, Jane Austen, who made three recorded (and probably other) visits there in the 1790s and 1800s to see her mother's cousins Thomas, Mary and Elizabeth Leigh at the rectory and her second cousin James Henry Leigh at the "big house", Adlestrop Park. The village is still centred on these two properties, with the church, manor farm and a string of cottages along the main street making up the rest. Victoria Huxley, a local historian and long-term resident, ingeniously uses the social history of this quiet Gloucestershire backwater and the grand Leigh family estate 60 miles north at Stoneleigh in Warwickshire as a window into, and perhaps out of, conventional Austen biography. What could be more appropriate to a writer who declared herself contented with the study of "three or four families in a country village" than to observe how enclosure, war and fashions such as "improvement" played out in a place familiar to her and detail some of the real-life dramas that gave ballast to Austen's fictional ones?
Jane Austen's "other family", the Leighs, were not short of glamour. Related by marriage to the dukes of Chandos, they had been significant landowners for centuries, public servants, scholars and eccentrics, all fiercely loyal to the Stuart cause. Sir Thomas Leigh was awarded a peerage after sheltering Charles I at Stoneleigh during the Civil War; several generations later at Adlestrop, the family was still drinking to "Church and King" before every meal. Mrs Austen was particularly proud of the Leighs' intellectual distinction: the fifth Lord Leigh was a discriminating bibliophile (whose library became a valuable bequest to Oriel College), her uncle Theophilus was a famous Oxford wit and Master of Balliol for over fifty years, and her cousin Mary pursued numerous independent scholarly and artistic interests from her home in Adlestrop Rectory. Mary Leigh's unpublished family history – astutely and extensively used by Victoria Huxley – has literary qualities that go far beyond the standard home-circle text; and she and her sister Cassandra Cooke both wrote novels too (Mary's haven't survived), which must have interested Jane Austen if only as examples of production and circulation. That Mary Leigh observed and approved of her Steventon cousins is clear from her thumbnail sketch of them in the "History", comparing their "simplicity of hospitality & taste" with that "which commonly prevailed in affluent families among the delightful valleys of Switzerland". Huxley unpicks this glancing tribute to egalitarian views and liberal manners, suggesting it is a benign way of describing what Jane's niece, snobbish Lady Knatchbull, later described as a lack of "refinement" among her Hampshire relations.
The Leigh anecdotes that appear in Mary Leigh's History must have been familiar to Jane Austen from an early age. She used at least one of them in a novel: Elizabeth Lord, an aunt of Thomas Leigh on his mother's side, went against her family's wishes by falling in love with a lowly Lieutenant Wentworth, a story – and name – that seems to have inspired parts of Persuasion. The improvements that took place at both Adlestrop Park and Stoneleigh Abbey at the turn of the century under the direction of Humphrey Repton, the most fashionable landscape architect of the day, fed directly into the Sotherton episodes in Mansfield Park (and Repton is one of very few real-life characters to be mentioned in Austen's fiction), and Huxley points out how each of Austen's novels has some reference to "Improvement": the management of estates and the relation between landscapes and purse-strings. It is at this subcutaneous level that the importance to Jane Austen of places like Adlestrop and Stoneleigh becomes most interesting.
Adlestrop was never insulated from the general rise and fall of prosperity. The Leighs probably saved their estate early in the eighteenth century by decamping to Utrecht for five years to economize (rather like Sir Walter Elliot letting Kellynch Hall in Persuasion, only with better results). By mid-century, the family was prosperous enough to renovate and gothicize Adlestrop Park in fine style, and the careful inventory made when James Leigh died suddenly in 1774 is a snapshot of a well-run home, with every bottle of old Madeira, every piece of linen and even the coins found in the master's pocket when he keeled over being scrupulously accounted for.
The heir, James Henry Leigh, didn't take up residence in Adlestrop until after his marriage twelve years later. He had spent the interval living in the ducal residences of his maternal uncle. He set about a new generation of improvements, calling in Repton and his Red Book to transform the look and shape of the Park, and thereby the village. The Adlestrop Leighs were also quick to exploit the opportunities that Enclosure Acts offered. Thomas Leigh, rector of the village for fifty years, enclosed the green and diverted a road for his own benefit, while James Henry grabbed a bit of the churchyard to add to the Park's pleasure grounds. Jane Austen had a ringside view of all these changes on her visits in 1794, 1799 and 1806, though she is unlikely to have approved of them much. Her taste was more for untouched backwaters such as Thornton Lacey in Mansfield Park and the centuries-old landscape around Donwell Abbey in Emma: "It was a sweet view – sweet to the eye and the mind. English verdure, English culture, English comfort, seen under a bright sun, without being oppressive".
Austen is often criticized for being too materialistic a novelist, but her intense interest in property and money seems reasonable given the insecurity of the Austen family – always one sibling or one godparent away from a big legacy – by comparison with the fortunate Leighs. Huxley's careful explanation of the flow of money through the two families reveals the extent of the Austens' disappointments better than ever before. Stoneleigh, a former Cistercian monastery grandly remodelled in the eighteenth century, was always on a different scale from Adlestrop, and belonged to another branch of the Leigh family until the death in 1806 of the Hon. Mary Leigh, an eccentric and childless recluse. Her brother's ambiguously worded will then came fully into operation, leaving the property to "the first and nearest of his kindred, being male and of his blood and name". This formula had been exercising the family for two decades, prompting some strategic name-changes, but in 1806 the most direct heir seemed to be James Henry Leigh, of Adlestrop Park. His uncle Thomas, the rector, was older, however, so a compromise was reached: Thomas inherited a life interest in the munificent estate, bequeathing it to James Henry and buying out another claimant cousin, James Leigh Perrot (Mrs Austen's brother), with a whopping £50,000.
Mrs Austen and her daughters Cassandra and Jane were visiting Adlestrop Rectory at exactly the time that the will was being executed and went with the Revd Mr Leigh into Warwickshire to take possession of his prize. None of Jane's letters of 1806 has survived, but we can guess some of the impression the vast house made on her, with its old picture gallery, chapel, dozens of bedrooms and sweeping parkland from similar descriptions of Sotherton in Mansfield Park and from the grandeur of Pemberley in Pride and Prejudice (though Darcy's income of £10,000 a year was significantly less than Mary Leigh's). Northanger Abbey also had its fair share of Stoneleigh, as is clear from Mrs Austen's lively letter to her daughter-in-law, which, as Huxley says, could have been written by Catherine Morland herself. "I had figured to myself long Avenues dark Rookeries and Dismal Yew Trees, but there was no such melancholy things", Mrs Austen reported. But there were gothic thrills to be found in the old state Bed Chamber "with a high crimson Velvet Bed: an alarming apartment just fit for a Heroine".
Widowed Mrs Austen clearly expected some benefit to her own family from her cousins' and brother's good fortune, but perhaps Jane's satire on the self-interest of the Dashwoods in Sense and Sensibility (a novel she was rewriting between 1805 and 1811) reflects a less sanguine view of the probable outcome. In a painfully believable scene, the new heir to Norland is happy to interpret his father's dying wishes (that his stepmother and half-sisters should be looked after) as a prompt to haphazard and limited patronage. The feelgood factor he and his wife manufacture is feeling good about retaining more resources for themselves. The Leigh Perrots did this in real life, and claimed the added bonus of holding out to their worse-off relatives the promise that all would be made good in the future, which it was not.
When James Leigh Perrot died in March 1817, he left everything to his wife during her lifetime; nothing at all to his sister and sums to her children, including a substantial bequest to Jane's eldest brother James, that would only be paid on Mrs Leigh Perrot's death. The whole Steventon family was perturbed by the news, and Jane, who was terminally ill in the spring of 1817, quite overset by it: "I am ashamed to say that the shock of my Uncle's Will brought on a relapse", she wrote to Cassandra. "I am the only one of the Legatees who has been so silly, but a weak body must excuse weak nerves." Jane, of course, never saw the £1,000 promised her, but nor did James receive his much-mentioned jackpot, as Aunt Leigh Perrot outlived them both by many years.
These family dramas have been documented before, but the charm of Victoria Huxley's book is its grounding in location, putting this strand of Jane Austen's family history in place physically and emotionally. At times, there's an almost parodic affinity with a traditional tour guide – "Let us return to our perambulation into the heart of Adlestrop up Main Street's gentle incline" – but Huxley's intimate knowledge of the village and affection for it offers up other, deeper perspectives. When she reconstructs what Jane Austen might have seen on a walk, it is with a keen eye to what remains today: "When the weather is dry, the old track over which Jane's coach would have travelled can be clearly seen like a shadow on the manicured grass of the cricket ground". And she understands the changes in mood that a landscape can undergo. In Adlestrop Park, small adjustments to Repton's design over the years have erased his intentions, creating an eerie secrecy around the lake, sensitively evoked by the author:
"Perhaps because of its present isolation, the lake has a curious still atmosphere due to the surrounding mature trees that are mirrored in the opaque waters. In the summer the edges are threaded with yellow flags and meadowsweet and glistening white water lilies lie on the lake's surface. Swans, moorhens, herons, coots and mallards enjoy the lake and there is even a terrapin which basks in the sun on a jutting tree root on hot days. In the winter the water freezes frequently."
The quiet of latterday Adlestrop would have struck the forward-thinking Leighs and their cousins as bizarre and ominous. A stump is all that remains of the traditional place to gossip, the village pump, and it is perfectly possible nowadays, Huxley reports, "to walk through the village without seeing anyone in the street or in the surrounding fields", compared with 1801, when there were almost exactly the same number of dwellings but a third again as many inhabitants. In the century since Edward Thomas's train halted at the station, it is not just the station which has gone, but the smithy, the watermill and all but one shop (doubling as a post office). There's only one bus a week to this abandoned corner of rural England, but at least that isn't a Cotswold tourist bus. Adlestrop isn't sufficiently picturesque to attract such traffic, and is so small, as Victoria Huxley notes, that many strangers drive through before they notice they've arrived. Pragmatic Jane Austen would have found some comfort in that. Being nowhere in particular might be what has enabled this "quintessentially English" village to survive.
Tuesday, 3 June 2014
Artificial India
Artificial India
Nehru, Gandhi and Vallabhbhai Patel, Delhi, 1946
Book Details
John Keay
MIDNIGHT'S DESCENDANTS
South Asia from Partition to the present day
347pp. William Collins. £25.
978 0 00 732657 0
US: Basic. $29.99.
978 0 465 02180 2
Perry Anderson
THE INDIAN IDEOLOGY
191pp. Verso. Paperback, £12.99 (US $19.95).
978 1 78168 259 3
Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen
AN UNCERTAIN GLORY
India and its contradictions
433pp. Allen Lane. £20.
978 1 84614 761 6
A history of partition, displacement and conflict in South Asia
DAVID ARNOLD
In the course of Partition – the bloody debacle that marked the catastrophic end to British rule on the Indian subcontinent in August 1947 – hundreds of thousands of Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs were butchered and millions more driven from their homes. "The horror", John Keay observes, "lay as much in the obscenity of the atrocities as the scale." Ethnic cleansing, murder, rape, mutilation – the violent rage of Partition appeared less impulse or frenzy than an upsurge of systematic brutality and long-harboured hatred. In Keay's account of South Asia since 1947 (with its totemic allusion to Salman Rushdie's Midnight's Children), Partition was not only an epochal event that changed the course of history in one of the world's most populous regions, but also the epitome of all the violence that has plagued the subcontinent ever since. "Widely regretted at the time" and "rued ever since", Partition thus serves both as a watershed and a recurring motif of communal violence, a horror repeatedly re-enacted. There may, Keay concedes, have been antecedents for the savage tableau accompanying Partition – in "India's dark horizon of sectarian rivalry" and in the Hindu–Muslim killings in Calcutta a year earlier. But, in the main, the events of August 1947 and their long-felt legacy seem to Keay perversely counter to the geography, history and cultural affinities that endow South Asia with so much commonality. Partition, he reasons in an apparent gesture of post-imperial exculpation, "was no more a foregone conclusion in the run-up to Independence than was the genocidal mayhem of its aftermath". The "brutal dislocation" it caused "severed . . . not just the landmass of South Asia but its society, economy and infrastructure, and above all its two main religious communities". It is the artificiality of the borders Partition created (and which postcolonial regimes have doggedly sought to maintain) that strikes Keay most forcefully. He suggests that Partition was probably unnecessary in the first place, or that its violent excesses could have been avoided, if the British (and Lord Mountbatten as the last viceroy) had not been so hasty in making their departure, and if Jawaharlal Nehru and the Indian National Congress had been more adamant in their opposition and less eager for power. The lines of demarcation drawn up in unseemly haste by Sir Cyril Radcliffe rode roughshod over an equivocal terrain, but they also failed in their avowed purpose – that contiguous Muslim-majority areas were to be allotted to Pakistan, and the rest, where Muslims were a minority, would be assigned to the new India.
The partitioning of Punjab and Bengal caused trauma enough for a dozen lifetimes, and yet many of the most unforeseen but consequential events lay outside the formal boundaries of British India, in the princely states that made up 40 per cent of the subcontinent's land area. Unassigned either to India or Pakistan, Kashmir was, Keay stresses, crucial. Its Hindu maharaja, ruling over a Muslim majority, was jolted by an invasion from Pakistan into opting for India, thus bypassing the call of "Kashmir for the Kashmiris" and violating the principle that Pakistan should be the default home for South Asia's Muslims. Because of its disputed entry into the Indian Union and the threat it seemingly posed to Pakistani integrity and security, Kashmir fuelled rivalry and conflict between the successor states from the outset, sparking wars and endless confrontations. Matters were scarcely better in the south, where Hyderabad's Muslim Nizam tried to keep his Hindu-majority state independent, an ambition crushed (amid further communal bloodshed) by the Indian government's "police action" in September 1948. In India, as in Pakistan, "integration was not for the faint-hearted". But then nor was separation. What Keay calls the "absurdity of bipartite Pakistan", with West Pakistan a thousand miles distant from its eastern wing, fell apart in 1971 with the creation of an independent Bangladesh, but again at a terrible cost in terms of human lives, displacement and suffering. In India, too, claims unattended to in 1947 resurfaced to contest national sovereignty – in Nagaland and the northeast where intermittent warfare has raged since 1954; in Punjab where demands for an independent Sikh state eventuated in the storming of the Golden Temple in Amritsar in 1984, the revenge killing of Nehru's daughter, Indira Gandhi, and an anti-Sikh pogrom in Delhi. Nor were violent disputes unique to the mainland. Tamil militants in northern Sri Lanka unleashed an armed struggle against Singhalese-majority rule, and so, for a while, "another South Asian partition looked to be on the cards". For Keay the events of 1947 thus created or contributed to a long series of internal and international conflicts, but they also created the template for the communal hatred and mass slaughter that, with each successive crisis, "stirred memories of Partition".
Partition thus becomes a mantra of recurring violence, a mark of the savagery acid-etched into every conflict. But Keay also highlights the artificiality of a divided South Asia by presenting post-Partition history as a set of parallel stories – most evident with respect to India and Pakistan, but echoed in Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh – in which each country followed a similar path from initial nation-building, through populism and autocracy, to "rabid communalism", and, latterly, "frantic globalisation". Regional cooperation has had "a rather depressing record in South Asia", he notes, and Kashmir remains "unfinished business". Yet an apparent swerving away from mass violence and ethnic hatred in recent years encourages Keay to believe that pragmatism may yet prevail and the most baleful legacies of 1947 be undone. It is a worthy hope, but in seeking to provide a cogent history of a complex region and by placing such emphasis on Partition, Keay sacrifices too much of the region's longer and deeper history. By reading South Asia almost exclusively from its conflicts and rivalries, its disputed borders and contested margins, he allows too little to emerge of its internal dynamics.
Partition also looms largely in Perry Anderson's Indian Ideology. Anderson employs the word to target what he regards as a smug and celebratory view of India's recent past and troubled present, a myth, as he sees it, propagated in the writing of three leading Indian writers and their works – the political scientist Sunil Khilnani's The Idea of India (1997), the historian Ramachandra Guha's India after Gandhi (2007), and the economist Amartya Sen's Argumentative Indian (2005). Anderson views these authors as sharing an unwarranted, at best uncritical, set of assumptions – that India is unique and praiseworthy among the nations to emerge from empire in being democratic, secular and united. Anderson contests this tripartite view of Indian achievement by arguing for an alternative narrative of oppression and authoritarianism. In his opinion India's freedom struggle and its democratic aspirations were flawed from the start. The quest for independence triumphed not through the endeavours of Gandhi and Nehru, but because the constitutional process set in train by the British created its own irreversible momentum towards decolonization, and because the Second World War fatally undermined Britain's ability to hold on to India. He claims that Partition was mostly the fault of the Congress leadership – the alienation of M. A. Jinnah and the Muslim League provoked by Gandhi's Hindu politics and Nehru's "partisan arrogance". Nehru is ridiculed as vain and infantile, unable to stand up to Gandhi, seduced by his own airy rhetoric and fanciful imagining of India's past. Far from being instrumental in India's rapid transition to parliamentary democracy, Nehru is seen as presiding over the making of a post-colonial state that from the outset was reliant on violence, repression and the denial of democratic rights. Autocracy did not set in with Indira Gandhi and her lurch into dictatorship in the mid-1970s: absolutism, always inherent in the Indian state, has since 1947 been systematically sustained by brute force, unconstitutional practice and draconian laws. This authoritarian tendency has passed virtually unchecked and largely uncontested, except by the Supreme Court, almost the sole institution for which Anderson can muster any praise. He castigates India's leaders for doing nothing to redress caste inequalities and discrimination against Dalits ("Untouchables"), celebrating the lawyer and constitutionalist B. R. Ambedkar for espousing egalitarian and democratic ideals that India has consistently failed to live up to.
Anderson's gadfly technique has its virtues. It exposes some substantial faultlines in recent Indian writing about India and with some justice questions the emerging consensus around India's democratic successes. It offers some piercing, if at times intemperate, insights into the personalities involved and gives evidence of the undertow of coercion that informs many aspects of India's post-colonial regime (though even here he ignores many of the criticisms that Indian commentators themselves have voiced). But Anderson does not help his case by drawing on material that is highly selective, inaccurate, or out of date. To take a few instances: no serious historian now believes either that an Englishman (A. O. Hume) was the "leading light" of the Indian National Congress in its early years, or that the Chauri Chaura incident of 1922 (when a joint Hindu and Muslim group of protesters burned down a police station, killing twenty-two Indian policemen) arose from a riot over food prices. The desecularization of nationalist politics began well before Gandhi's return to India in 1915, with B. G. Tilak in the 1890s, and there is nothing new in remarking on Gandhi's eccentric Hinduism, his autocratic disposition and his many personal and political somersaults. Anderson is surely wrong in treating the Mahatma's role in the anti-colonial struggle so lightly: without the pressure exerted by the successive civil disobedience movements Gandhi helped lead and inspire, British rule would not have suffered the collapse in morale, authority and manpower that made constitutional concessions imperative and rendered the Raj too enfeebled to resist the likelihood of a further nationalist onslaught in 1946–7. Nehru may have been romantic, greedy for power and, as Anderson insists, too cosy with Mountbatten and intimate with the Viceroy's wife Edwina; but it is hard to see in Jinnah, the embittered opportunist, a more admirable model for democratic change. In seeking to be radical, Anderson espouses some remarkably reactionary ways of doing history. His explanation of India's independence and the origins of Indian constitutionalism read like an apology for imperial policy; his repeated emphasis on caste as the prime source of Indian inequality comes close to mimicking colonial essentialism. While extolling Kathryn Tidrick's book Gandhi: A political and spiritual Life (2006) and wondering why it did not receive more coverage in India, he ignores many other works that have transformed critical scholarship about Gandhi in the past twenty years. Wistfully regretting that the Left did not do more to shape modern India, he appears unaware of innovative work on revolutionary terrorists like Har Dayal, Shyamji Krishnavarma and Bhagat Singh who, more than the communists of the period, offered a potentially dynamic alternative to the Congress triumvirate of Gandhi, Nehru and Vallabhbhai Patel. Instead, he returns us to the scholarship of the 1960s and 70s, in which the "transfer of power" was the doing of a small clique of politicians and administrators, without even a whiff of popular protest or the clamour of unmanageable revolt.
A riposte of sorts to Anderson's bludgeoning attack on the "Indian ideology" can be found in An Uncertain Glory, the latest product in the longstanding collaboration between Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen. The authors waste no time sentimentalizing over a British rule which, they show, left the majority of Indians in an abysmal state of poverty, malnutrition and illiteracy, with life-expectancy barely half what it is today. The ascent from this abyss thus constitutes one of several means by which India's progress since 1947 can be appraised. Only once – with respect to famine relief works – do the authors identify British policy as offering any worthwhile precedent for post-colonial practice. Where Keay and Anderson press, in their different ways, the case for continuity, Drèze and Sen regard Independence as a long-delayed opportunity to wipe the slate clean and redress the social neglect and economic under-achievement of the colonial era.
The India created in August 1947 is taken as a given, not as an artificial or authoritarian construct. By comparison with Anderson's biting critique, however, the commentary supplied by Drèze and Sen does at times appear saccharine. To speak in their title of the "glory" of India (even when moderated by uncertainty) seems to place partisanship above objectivity, and throughout the book, which its authors describe as "contingently optimistic", they praise India in precisely the ways Anderson finds so objectionable. Five lines into the first chapter, they declare: "India's record in pioneering democratic governance in the non-Western world is a widely acknowledged accomplishment, as is its basic success in maintaining a secular state, despite the challenges arising from its thoroughly multi-religious population and the hugely problematic history of violence around the ending days of the Raj". Oddly, among the many factors affecting India's economic performance, they nowhere assess what the country's border wars and garrisons, its massed ranks of soldiers and armed police, and its coercive policies in Kashmir and Nagaland, have actually cost the country – or whether, conversely, these are not drag chains on the economy at all but a circuitous aid to infrastructural growth and wealth redistribution.
In the main, however, Drèze and Sen steer a judicious and not uncritical course. If they find cause for praise – as in the overall effects of the post-2006 national rural employment guarantee scheme – they also identify many other areas where India is failing. Even after two decades of economic growth, the country is still one of the poorest in the world, much poorer than the other BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia and China) with which it is often compared. India can never become an economic superpower, the authors argue, while fundamental problems of poverty, maternal mortality, inadequate schooling and poor healthcare persist. Rampant corruption and a lack of accountability in the public services suggest one reason for these problems, but another is a stubborn elitism which ignores as an irrelevance the well-being of the bulk of the population. While caste is less prominent than in Anderson's book (though here, too, Ambedkar finds commendation), Drèze and Sen's India remains a bastion of inequality, forming, with widespread gender discrimination, the underpinning for an oppressive social system. "Indian democracy", they warn, "is seriously compromised by the extent and form of social inequality in India", especially so if by democracy is meant "not just electoral politics and civil liberties but also an equitable distribution of power".
Some of the most striking parts of Uncertain Glory locate present-day India not in relation to Partition's violent legacies or a history of colonial underachievement, but alongside its South Asian contemporaries. Pakistan, Nepal and more especially Bangladesh (the "basket case" of the 1970s) have, Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen show, outperformed India in many fields, including such key indicators as family planning, female education and employment, and mass immunization. That Bangladesh's "rapid progress in living standards" has been helped by the empowerment of women ought to send a clear message to India, where violence against women has been so much in the headlines lately. In many parts of India, especially the more backward north and west, gender bias against females remains a potent obstacle to economic as well as social progress. Whatever Perry Anderson might think, none of this makes for comfortable or complacent reading.
Nehru, Gandhi and Vallabhbhai Patel, Delhi, 1946
Book Details
John Keay
MIDNIGHT'S DESCENDANTS
South Asia from Partition to the present day
347pp. William Collins. £25.
978 0 00 732657 0
US: Basic. $29.99.
978 0 465 02180 2
Perry Anderson
THE INDIAN IDEOLOGY
191pp. Verso. Paperback, £12.99 (US $19.95).
978 1 78168 259 3
Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen
AN UNCERTAIN GLORY
India and its contradictions
433pp. Allen Lane. £20.
978 1 84614 761 6
A history of partition, displacement and conflict in South Asia
DAVID ARNOLD
In the course of Partition – the bloody debacle that marked the catastrophic end to British rule on the Indian subcontinent in August 1947 – hundreds of thousands of Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs were butchered and millions more driven from their homes. "The horror", John Keay observes, "lay as much in the obscenity of the atrocities as the scale." Ethnic cleansing, murder, rape, mutilation – the violent rage of Partition appeared less impulse or frenzy than an upsurge of systematic brutality and long-harboured hatred. In Keay's account of South Asia since 1947 (with its totemic allusion to Salman Rushdie's Midnight's Children), Partition was not only an epochal event that changed the course of history in one of the world's most populous regions, but also the epitome of all the violence that has plagued the subcontinent ever since. "Widely regretted at the time" and "rued ever since", Partition thus serves both as a watershed and a recurring motif of communal violence, a horror repeatedly re-enacted. There may, Keay concedes, have been antecedents for the savage tableau accompanying Partition – in "India's dark horizon of sectarian rivalry" and in the Hindu–Muslim killings in Calcutta a year earlier. But, in the main, the events of August 1947 and their long-felt legacy seem to Keay perversely counter to the geography, history and cultural affinities that endow South Asia with so much commonality. Partition, he reasons in an apparent gesture of post-imperial exculpation, "was no more a foregone conclusion in the run-up to Independence than was the genocidal mayhem of its aftermath". The "brutal dislocation" it caused "severed . . . not just the landmass of South Asia but its society, economy and infrastructure, and above all its two main religious communities". It is the artificiality of the borders Partition created (and which postcolonial regimes have doggedly sought to maintain) that strikes Keay most forcefully. He suggests that Partition was probably unnecessary in the first place, or that its violent excesses could have been avoided, if the British (and Lord Mountbatten as the last viceroy) had not been so hasty in making their departure, and if Jawaharlal Nehru and the Indian National Congress had been more adamant in their opposition and less eager for power. The lines of demarcation drawn up in unseemly haste by Sir Cyril Radcliffe rode roughshod over an equivocal terrain, but they also failed in their avowed purpose – that contiguous Muslim-majority areas were to be allotted to Pakistan, and the rest, where Muslims were a minority, would be assigned to the new India.
The partitioning of Punjab and Bengal caused trauma enough for a dozen lifetimes, and yet many of the most unforeseen but consequential events lay outside the formal boundaries of British India, in the princely states that made up 40 per cent of the subcontinent's land area. Unassigned either to India or Pakistan, Kashmir was, Keay stresses, crucial. Its Hindu maharaja, ruling over a Muslim majority, was jolted by an invasion from Pakistan into opting for India, thus bypassing the call of "Kashmir for the Kashmiris" and violating the principle that Pakistan should be the default home for South Asia's Muslims. Because of its disputed entry into the Indian Union and the threat it seemingly posed to Pakistani integrity and security, Kashmir fuelled rivalry and conflict between the successor states from the outset, sparking wars and endless confrontations. Matters were scarcely better in the south, where Hyderabad's Muslim Nizam tried to keep his Hindu-majority state independent, an ambition crushed (amid further communal bloodshed) by the Indian government's "police action" in September 1948. In India, as in Pakistan, "integration was not for the faint-hearted". But then nor was separation. What Keay calls the "absurdity of bipartite Pakistan", with West Pakistan a thousand miles distant from its eastern wing, fell apart in 1971 with the creation of an independent Bangladesh, but again at a terrible cost in terms of human lives, displacement and suffering. In India, too, claims unattended to in 1947 resurfaced to contest national sovereignty – in Nagaland and the northeast where intermittent warfare has raged since 1954; in Punjab where demands for an independent Sikh state eventuated in the storming of the Golden Temple in Amritsar in 1984, the revenge killing of Nehru's daughter, Indira Gandhi, and an anti-Sikh pogrom in Delhi. Nor were violent disputes unique to the mainland. Tamil militants in northern Sri Lanka unleashed an armed struggle against Singhalese-majority rule, and so, for a while, "another South Asian partition looked to be on the cards". For Keay the events of 1947 thus created or contributed to a long series of internal and international conflicts, but they also created the template for the communal hatred and mass slaughter that, with each successive crisis, "stirred memories of Partition".
Partition thus becomes a mantra of recurring violence, a mark of the savagery acid-etched into every conflict. But Keay also highlights the artificiality of a divided South Asia by presenting post-Partition history as a set of parallel stories – most evident with respect to India and Pakistan, but echoed in Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh – in which each country followed a similar path from initial nation-building, through populism and autocracy, to "rabid communalism", and, latterly, "frantic globalisation". Regional cooperation has had "a rather depressing record in South Asia", he notes, and Kashmir remains "unfinished business". Yet an apparent swerving away from mass violence and ethnic hatred in recent years encourages Keay to believe that pragmatism may yet prevail and the most baleful legacies of 1947 be undone. It is a worthy hope, but in seeking to provide a cogent history of a complex region and by placing such emphasis on Partition, Keay sacrifices too much of the region's longer and deeper history. By reading South Asia almost exclusively from its conflicts and rivalries, its disputed borders and contested margins, he allows too little to emerge of its internal dynamics.
Partition also looms largely in Perry Anderson's Indian Ideology. Anderson employs the word to target what he regards as a smug and celebratory view of India's recent past and troubled present, a myth, as he sees it, propagated in the writing of three leading Indian writers and their works – the political scientist Sunil Khilnani's The Idea of India (1997), the historian Ramachandra Guha's India after Gandhi (2007), and the economist Amartya Sen's Argumentative Indian (2005). Anderson views these authors as sharing an unwarranted, at best uncritical, set of assumptions – that India is unique and praiseworthy among the nations to emerge from empire in being democratic, secular and united. Anderson contests this tripartite view of Indian achievement by arguing for an alternative narrative of oppression and authoritarianism. In his opinion India's freedom struggle and its democratic aspirations were flawed from the start. The quest for independence triumphed not through the endeavours of Gandhi and Nehru, but because the constitutional process set in train by the British created its own irreversible momentum towards decolonization, and because the Second World War fatally undermined Britain's ability to hold on to India. He claims that Partition was mostly the fault of the Congress leadership – the alienation of M. A. Jinnah and the Muslim League provoked by Gandhi's Hindu politics and Nehru's "partisan arrogance". Nehru is ridiculed as vain and infantile, unable to stand up to Gandhi, seduced by his own airy rhetoric and fanciful imagining of India's past. Far from being instrumental in India's rapid transition to parliamentary democracy, Nehru is seen as presiding over the making of a post-colonial state that from the outset was reliant on violence, repression and the denial of democratic rights. Autocracy did not set in with Indira Gandhi and her lurch into dictatorship in the mid-1970s: absolutism, always inherent in the Indian state, has since 1947 been systematically sustained by brute force, unconstitutional practice and draconian laws. This authoritarian tendency has passed virtually unchecked and largely uncontested, except by the Supreme Court, almost the sole institution for which Anderson can muster any praise. He castigates India's leaders for doing nothing to redress caste inequalities and discrimination against Dalits ("Untouchables"), celebrating the lawyer and constitutionalist B. R. Ambedkar for espousing egalitarian and democratic ideals that India has consistently failed to live up to.
Anderson's gadfly technique has its virtues. It exposes some substantial faultlines in recent Indian writing about India and with some justice questions the emerging consensus around India's democratic successes. It offers some piercing, if at times intemperate, insights into the personalities involved and gives evidence of the undertow of coercion that informs many aspects of India's post-colonial regime (though even here he ignores many of the criticisms that Indian commentators themselves have voiced). But Anderson does not help his case by drawing on material that is highly selective, inaccurate, or out of date. To take a few instances: no serious historian now believes either that an Englishman (A. O. Hume) was the "leading light" of the Indian National Congress in its early years, or that the Chauri Chaura incident of 1922 (when a joint Hindu and Muslim group of protesters burned down a police station, killing twenty-two Indian policemen) arose from a riot over food prices. The desecularization of nationalist politics began well before Gandhi's return to India in 1915, with B. G. Tilak in the 1890s, and there is nothing new in remarking on Gandhi's eccentric Hinduism, his autocratic disposition and his many personal and political somersaults. Anderson is surely wrong in treating the Mahatma's role in the anti-colonial struggle so lightly: without the pressure exerted by the successive civil disobedience movements Gandhi helped lead and inspire, British rule would not have suffered the collapse in morale, authority and manpower that made constitutional concessions imperative and rendered the Raj too enfeebled to resist the likelihood of a further nationalist onslaught in 1946–7. Nehru may have been romantic, greedy for power and, as Anderson insists, too cosy with Mountbatten and intimate with the Viceroy's wife Edwina; but it is hard to see in Jinnah, the embittered opportunist, a more admirable model for democratic change. In seeking to be radical, Anderson espouses some remarkably reactionary ways of doing history. His explanation of India's independence and the origins of Indian constitutionalism read like an apology for imperial policy; his repeated emphasis on caste as the prime source of Indian inequality comes close to mimicking colonial essentialism. While extolling Kathryn Tidrick's book Gandhi: A political and spiritual Life (2006) and wondering why it did not receive more coverage in India, he ignores many other works that have transformed critical scholarship about Gandhi in the past twenty years. Wistfully regretting that the Left did not do more to shape modern India, he appears unaware of innovative work on revolutionary terrorists like Har Dayal, Shyamji Krishnavarma and Bhagat Singh who, more than the communists of the period, offered a potentially dynamic alternative to the Congress triumvirate of Gandhi, Nehru and Vallabhbhai Patel. Instead, he returns us to the scholarship of the 1960s and 70s, in which the "transfer of power" was the doing of a small clique of politicians and administrators, without even a whiff of popular protest or the clamour of unmanageable revolt.
A riposte of sorts to Anderson's bludgeoning attack on the "Indian ideology" can be found in An Uncertain Glory, the latest product in the longstanding collaboration between Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen. The authors waste no time sentimentalizing over a British rule which, they show, left the majority of Indians in an abysmal state of poverty, malnutrition and illiteracy, with life-expectancy barely half what it is today. The ascent from this abyss thus constitutes one of several means by which India's progress since 1947 can be appraised. Only once – with respect to famine relief works – do the authors identify British policy as offering any worthwhile precedent for post-colonial practice. Where Keay and Anderson press, in their different ways, the case for continuity, Drèze and Sen regard Independence as a long-delayed opportunity to wipe the slate clean and redress the social neglect and economic under-achievement of the colonial era.
The India created in August 1947 is taken as a given, not as an artificial or authoritarian construct. By comparison with Anderson's biting critique, however, the commentary supplied by Drèze and Sen does at times appear saccharine. To speak in their title of the "glory" of India (even when moderated by uncertainty) seems to place partisanship above objectivity, and throughout the book, which its authors describe as "contingently optimistic", they praise India in precisely the ways Anderson finds so objectionable. Five lines into the first chapter, they declare: "India's record in pioneering democratic governance in the non-Western world is a widely acknowledged accomplishment, as is its basic success in maintaining a secular state, despite the challenges arising from its thoroughly multi-religious population and the hugely problematic history of violence around the ending days of the Raj". Oddly, among the many factors affecting India's economic performance, they nowhere assess what the country's border wars and garrisons, its massed ranks of soldiers and armed police, and its coercive policies in Kashmir and Nagaland, have actually cost the country – or whether, conversely, these are not drag chains on the economy at all but a circuitous aid to infrastructural growth and wealth redistribution.
In the main, however, Drèze and Sen steer a judicious and not uncritical course. If they find cause for praise – as in the overall effects of the post-2006 national rural employment guarantee scheme – they also identify many other areas where India is failing. Even after two decades of economic growth, the country is still one of the poorest in the world, much poorer than the other BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia and China) with which it is often compared. India can never become an economic superpower, the authors argue, while fundamental problems of poverty, maternal mortality, inadequate schooling and poor healthcare persist. Rampant corruption and a lack of accountability in the public services suggest one reason for these problems, but another is a stubborn elitism which ignores as an irrelevance the well-being of the bulk of the population. While caste is less prominent than in Anderson's book (though here, too, Ambedkar finds commendation), Drèze and Sen's India remains a bastion of inequality, forming, with widespread gender discrimination, the underpinning for an oppressive social system. "Indian democracy", they warn, "is seriously compromised by the extent and form of social inequality in India", especially so if by democracy is meant "not just electoral politics and civil liberties but also an equitable distribution of power".
Some of the most striking parts of Uncertain Glory locate present-day India not in relation to Partition's violent legacies or a history of colonial underachievement, but alongside its South Asian contemporaries. Pakistan, Nepal and more especially Bangladesh (the "basket case" of the 1970s) have, Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen show, outperformed India in many fields, including such key indicators as family planning, female education and employment, and mass immunization. That Bangladesh's "rapid progress in living standards" has been helped by the empowerment of women ought to send a clear message to India, where violence against women has been so much in the headlines lately. In many parts of India, especially the more backward north and west, gender bias against females remains a potent obstacle to economic as well as social progress. Whatever Perry Anderson might think, none of this makes for comfortable or complacent reading.
The Mitterrand paradox
The Mitterrand paradox
François Mitterrand, September 1953
Book Details
Philip Short
MITTERRAND
A study in ambiguity
692pp. Bodley Head. £30.
978 1 84792 006 5
A study of the 'absolute narcissist'
SUDHIR HAZAREESINGH
François Mitterrand was one of the most emblematic – and enigmatic – figures in French politics during the second half of the twentieth century. His career began right after the Second World War, when he was the youngest minister to hold office since the French Revolution; he served in eleven cabinets under the Fourth Republic, and thereafter became one of the principal leaders of the progressive opposition to the Gaullist Fifth Republic. After two unsuccessful attempts in 1965 and 1974, he was elected to the French Presidency in 1981. By the time he retired in 1995, he had become the very symbol of institutional continuity and political longevity: his was the longest period of rule since the reigns of Napoleon III and Louis Philippe. The comparison with the golden age of Bonapartism and Orleanism in the nineteenth century is apposite in more ways than one: both in its substance and its style, this first Socialist presidency marked the apogee of the republican monarchy in France – a delicious irony given that one of Mitterrand's most captivating pamphlets in the early years of the Fifth Republic was Le Coup d'état permanent, in which he vigorously denounced the excessive concentration of power in the hands of the executive. This is precisely the kind of paradox which makes Mitterrand such an appetizing subject for a biographer: hence the well-taken reference to "ambiguity" in Philip Short's subtitle.
Raised in a conservative provincial Catholic family where showing one's emotions was frowned upon, Mitterrand was renowned for his aloofness and sense of detachment, compounding his inscrutability with an aura of mystery – as attested by such nicknames as the Florentine (which dates back to his school days) and the Sphinx. As a politician he was supremely gifted at concealing his hand, thriving in the murky years of the Occupation, when he long maintained a foot in both the Vichy and Resistance camps (he was decorated by Pétain, but later became an active figure in the underground movement in France). He was likewise in his element in the mercurial atmosphere of the Fourth Republic, with its plots, scandals and dodgy politicians, and in the no less labyrinthine world of French socialism, where he achieved the singular feat of capturing the Socialist leadership in 1971 without ever having joined the party. Similarly, as President, he was at his most effective during the first period of "cohabitation" government between Left and Right: though deprived of many of his formal powers, he successfully drew on his Machiavellian skills to outflank and eventually neutralize his opponents. Most remarkable of all was his capacity to compartmentalize his public and private lives. His staff at the Élysée Palace was completely balkanized, each person reporting directly to him, with little idea of what his overall priorities were, or indeed what he made of their work: his typical comment, scribbled on the margin of their submissions, was "vu" (seen). For most of the post-war decades, he successfully concealed his extreme right-wing sympathies during the 1930s. He also hid the fact that he had been diagnosed with (and treated for) advanced prostate cancer in the early 1980s, after his election to the presidency – even from his wife Danielle. His private life was, to put it mildly, unconventional: Danielle's lover Jean Balenci for a while lived with the Mitterrands in their home in Paris (he would fetch the papers in the morning and have breakfast with François). Alongside his official family, and the inevitable retinue of mistresses, François also shared his life with Anne Pingeot, who was twenty years younger than him and with whom he had a child, Mazarine. Her existence was revealed to the wider public only in late 1994, when Paris-Match published photographs of the President with his daughter.
Short's narrative is well paced and finely textured, and what emerges is a subtle and engaging portrait of Mitterrand's complex personality. The author was able to speak to many members of his inner circle – including the two leading women in his life – and he makes particularly effective use of this material. So for example when Anne Pingeot remarks that "distance" was Mitterrand's "supreme talent", one gets the full measure of his elusiveness, but also his capacity to inflict ineffable pain even on those he professed to care about. Short does not hide his admiration for Mitterrand, and sometimes tries too hard to defend his hero, as in his somewhat improbable claim that the future President did not hold racially prejudiced and anti-Semitic views in the 1930s, or when the author tries to invoke Mitterrand's "confusion" to excuse his web of compromising ties with Vichy. Also disingenuous is the account of the 1959 Observatory scandal, in which Mitterrand colluded in a fake assassination attempt against himself in an effort to revive his flagging political career: Short speaks of his being "betrayed" by his friends, as though he was somehow a passive victim. In reality, it was Mitterrand who had abused the trust of the public on this occasion (and it would not be the last time). Yet an equally important measure of a political figure's character is how he faces up to adversity, and in this respect Mitterrand was exceptionally impressive. Time and again, he was written off as a "man of the past" by his opponents, both on the Right and Left. But it was his challengers who finished on the scrapheap of history: among those he saw off were Guy Mollet and the discredited leadership of the old Socialist party; the Communists, who thought they had the measure of this economically illiterate bourgeois politician, and ended up being destroyed by his poisonous embrace; Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, whose lofty aristocratic arrogance he cleverly exploited to his own advantage; Jacques Chirac, whose impulsive naivety was no match for his cold and devious scheming; and Michel Rocard and his modernizing "deuxième gauche", swept away by Mitterrand's effective (if completely phoney) neo-Marxist rhetoric about the need for a "rupture with capitalism". Nowhere was Mitterrand's steely determination more heroically, and hauntingly, displayed than in his dance with death in those final, agonizing months of his presidency in 1994–5, when he completed his second term as President against all the odds; he died in January 1996.
Mitterrand was not only a consummate political operator: he left his mark on the Fifth Republic, notably with the abolition of the death penalty, the introduction of greater self-government at local level, and the promotion of greater European integration. But Short exaggerates considerably when he asserts that Mitterrand changed France more fundamentally than any other modern leader. His greatest constitutional innovation, the two periods of cohabitation government between Left and Right, were marked not just by a characteristically Mitterrandian ambiguity, but by widespread intellectual confusion and political stasis, and a growing public disaffection with French elites. In retrospect, this was the moment when post-1958 France came closest to lurching back towards the untidy shambles of the Fourth Republic, and it was not surprising that the Constitution was subsequently amended to make such a political configuration much less likely in the future. But there was worse. As a statesman, Mitterrand lacked something essential: that moral and political bedrock which all truly great French leaders possessed – whether it was Maximilien Robespierre's austere sense of virtue, Napoleon Bonaparte's formidable intellectual energy, Léon Gambetta's mystical communion with the republican ideal, Jean Jaurès's soaring sense of humanity, or Charles de Gaulle's consuming passion for France's destiny. To make the point more bluntly, Mitterrand's overriding obsession was with himself. As he once admitted in a letter: "I believe in no one". He was the absolute narcissist, always late for meetings because of his ultimate contempt for others, and his belief that the world was there to serve his interests.
And so all other considerations were subordinated to his personal ambition. As Justice Minister at the height of the Algerian war, he remained silent as thousands of Algerian patriots were tortured and murdered by the French Army – the only reason being his hope that he might be appointed Prime Minister. He became a Socialist not out of ideological principle or moral conviction, but because he realized this was his only viable path to the French presidency. He did not hesitate to facilitate the rise of Jean-Marie Le Pen's Front National (by introducing proportional representation for the parliamentary elections of 1986) because he hoped the extreme Right would split the conservative vote, and thus allow him to retain a majority in the National Assembly. Once socialism became an obstacle to his retention of power in the mid-1980s, he discarded it without so much as an afterthought (Short's claim that Mitterrand had a lifelong commitment to "social justice" is almost comical; the gap between rich and poor in France grew wider after his fourteen years in office). He left the Socialist party bereft of any doctrine, weighed down by political and financial scandals, and in the hands of a cynically technocratic leadership fixated only with capturing national power. In this essential respect, there is little room for ambiguity: Mitterrand destroyed the soul of the French socialist movement, and it is still struggling to recover from his toxic legacy.
François Mitterrand, September 1953
Book Details
Philip Short
MITTERRAND
A study in ambiguity
692pp. Bodley Head. £30.
978 1 84792 006 5
A study of the 'absolute narcissist'
SUDHIR HAZAREESINGH
François Mitterrand was one of the most emblematic – and enigmatic – figures in French politics during the second half of the twentieth century. His career began right after the Second World War, when he was the youngest minister to hold office since the French Revolution; he served in eleven cabinets under the Fourth Republic, and thereafter became one of the principal leaders of the progressive opposition to the Gaullist Fifth Republic. After two unsuccessful attempts in 1965 and 1974, he was elected to the French Presidency in 1981. By the time he retired in 1995, he had become the very symbol of institutional continuity and political longevity: his was the longest period of rule since the reigns of Napoleon III and Louis Philippe. The comparison with the golden age of Bonapartism and Orleanism in the nineteenth century is apposite in more ways than one: both in its substance and its style, this first Socialist presidency marked the apogee of the republican monarchy in France – a delicious irony given that one of Mitterrand's most captivating pamphlets in the early years of the Fifth Republic was Le Coup d'état permanent, in which he vigorously denounced the excessive concentration of power in the hands of the executive. This is precisely the kind of paradox which makes Mitterrand such an appetizing subject for a biographer: hence the well-taken reference to "ambiguity" in Philip Short's subtitle.
Raised in a conservative provincial Catholic family where showing one's emotions was frowned upon, Mitterrand was renowned for his aloofness and sense of detachment, compounding his inscrutability with an aura of mystery – as attested by such nicknames as the Florentine (which dates back to his school days) and the Sphinx. As a politician he was supremely gifted at concealing his hand, thriving in the murky years of the Occupation, when he long maintained a foot in both the Vichy and Resistance camps (he was decorated by Pétain, but later became an active figure in the underground movement in France). He was likewise in his element in the mercurial atmosphere of the Fourth Republic, with its plots, scandals and dodgy politicians, and in the no less labyrinthine world of French socialism, where he achieved the singular feat of capturing the Socialist leadership in 1971 without ever having joined the party. Similarly, as President, he was at his most effective during the first period of "cohabitation" government between Left and Right: though deprived of many of his formal powers, he successfully drew on his Machiavellian skills to outflank and eventually neutralize his opponents. Most remarkable of all was his capacity to compartmentalize his public and private lives. His staff at the Élysée Palace was completely balkanized, each person reporting directly to him, with little idea of what his overall priorities were, or indeed what he made of their work: his typical comment, scribbled on the margin of their submissions, was "vu" (seen). For most of the post-war decades, he successfully concealed his extreme right-wing sympathies during the 1930s. He also hid the fact that he had been diagnosed with (and treated for) advanced prostate cancer in the early 1980s, after his election to the presidency – even from his wife Danielle. His private life was, to put it mildly, unconventional: Danielle's lover Jean Balenci for a while lived with the Mitterrands in their home in Paris (he would fetch the papers in the morning and have breakfast with François). Alongside his official family, and the inevitable retinue of mistresses, François also shared his life with Anne Pingeot, who was twenty years younger than him and with whom he had a child, Mazarine. Her existence was revealed to the wider public only in late 1994, when Paris-Match published photographs of the President with his daughter.
Short's narrative is well paced and finely textured, and what emerges is a subtle and engaging portrait of Mitterrand's complex personality. The author was able to speak to many members of his inner circle – including the two leading women in his life – and he makes particularly effective use of this material. So for example when Anne Pingeot remarks that "distance" was Mitterrand's "supreme talent", one gets the full measure of his elusiveness, but also his capacity to inflict ineffable pain even on those he professed to care about. Short does not hide his admiration for Mitterrand, and sometimes tries too hard to defend his hero, as in his somewhat improbable claim that the future President did not hold racially prejudiced and anti-Semitic views in the 1930s, or when the author tries to invoke Mitterrand's "confusion" to excuse his web of compromising ties with Vichy. Also disingenuous is the account of the 1959 Observatory scandal, in which Mitterrand colluded in a fake assassination attempt against himself in an effort to revive his flagging political career: Short speaks of his being "betrayed" by his friends, as though he was somehow a passive victim. In reality, it was Mitterrand who had abused the trust of the public on this occasion (and it would not be the last time). Yet an equally important measure of a political figure's character is how he faces up to adversity, and in this respect Mitterrand was exceptionally impressive. Time and again, he was written off as a "man of the past" by his opponents, both on the Right and Left. But it was his challengers who finished on the scrapheap of history: among those he saw off were Guy Mollet and the discredited leadership of the old Socialist party; the Communists, who thought they had the measure of this economically illiterate bourgeois politician, and ended up being destroyed by his poisonous embrace; Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, whose lofty aristocratic arrogance he cleverly exploited to his own advantage; Jacques Chirac, whose impulsive naivety was no match for his cold and devious scheming; and Michel Rocard and his modernizing "deuxième gauche", swept away by Mitterrand's effective (if completely phoney) neo-Marxist rhetoric about the need for a "rupture with capitalism". Nowhere was Mitterrand's steely determination more heroically, and hauntingly, displayed than in his dance with death in those final, agonizing months of his presidency in 1994–5, when he completed his second term as President against all the odds; he died in January 1996.
Mitterrand was not only a consummate political operator: he left his mark on the Fifth Republic, notably with the abolition of the death penalty, the introduction of greater self-government at local level, and the promotion of greater European integration. But Short exaggerates considerably when he asserts that Mitterrand changed France more fundamentally than any other modern leader. His greatest constitutional innovation, the two periods of cohabitation government between Left and Right, were marked not just by a characteristically Mitterrandian ambiguity, but by widespread intellectual confusion and political stasis, and a growing public disaffection with French elites. In retrospect, this was the moment when post-1958 France came closest to lurching back towards the untidy shambles of the Fourth Republic, and it was not surprising that the Constitution was subsequently amended to make such a political configuration much less likely in the future. But there was worse. As a statesman, Mitterrand lacked something essential: that moral and political bedrock which all truly great French leaders possessed – whether it was Maximilien Robespierre's austere sense of virtue, Napoleon Bonaparte's formidable intellectual energy, Léon Gambetta's mystical communion with the republican ideal, Jean Jaurès's soaring sense of humanity, or Charles de Gaulle's consuming passion for France's destiny. To make the point more bluntly, Mitterrand's overriding obsession was with himself. As he once admitted in a letter: "I believe in no one". He was the absolute narcissist, always late for meetings because of his ultimate contempt for others, and his belief that the world was there to serve his interests.
And so all other considerations were subordinated to his personal ambition. As Justice Minister at the height of the Algerian war, he remained silent as thousands of Algerian patriots were tortured and murdered by the French Army – the only reason being his hope that he might be appointed Prime Minister. He became a Socialist not out of ideological principle or moral conviction, but because he realized this was his only viable path to the French presidency. He did not hesitate to facilitate the rise of Jean-Marie Le Pen's Front National (by introducing proportional representation for the parliamentary elections of 1986) because he hoped the extreme Right would split the conservative vote, and thus allow him to retain a majority in the National Assembly. Once socialism became an obstacle to his retention of power in the mid-1980s, he discarded it without so much as an afterthought (Short's claim that Mitterrand had a lifelong commitment to "social justice" is almost comical; the gap between rich and poor in France grew wider after his fourteen years in office). He left the Socialist party bereft of any doctrine, weighed down by political and financial scandals, and in the hands of a cynically technocratic leadership fixated only with capturing national power. In this essential respect, there is little room for ambiguity: Mitterrand destroyed the soul of the French socialist movement, and it is still struggling to recover from his toxic legacy.
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